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AstraZeneca Vaccine: Nigeria Records Over 10,000 Side Effect Cases

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Nigeria says as at May 30, it has recorded over 10,000 cases of COVID-19 vaccine side effects – among the cases, 10,027 were mild, while 86 were of moderate to severe incidents.

“There have been cases of mild, moderate and severe Adverse Events Following Immunisation (AEFI) since we officially rolled out Covid-19 vaccination on March 15, 2021,” Executive Director of National Primary Healthcare Development Agency (NPHCDA), Dr Faisal Shuaib, told journalists in Abuja.

He listed five states that recorded the highest cases as, Cross River (1,040), Kaduna (1,071), Lagos (796), Yobe (555), and Kebbi with 525 cases.

“The AEFIs symptoms ranged from pain and swelling at site of vaccination to more serious symptoms such as headaches, abdominal pain, fever, dizziness and allergic reactions. A total of 10,027 cases of mild AEFI have been reported as of May 30th, while 86 cases of moderate to severe incidents have been reported. All these individuals have since fully recovered,” he said.

Speaking on the second dose, Shuaib noted the possibility of some people relocating from the states where they took their first doses, stating that provision have been made for special vaccination sites that could accommodate administering their second doses.

“It is also possible that due to certain circumstances, some of the sites used for the first dose vaccination may no longer be available; in this case, you are kindly advised to go for your second dose at the nearest vaccination post. The list of the vaccination sites is available on our website (www.nphcda.gov.ng), which we will keep updating and will also be published accordingly,” he stated.

Shuaib said the upcoming allocation to Nigeria would likely be from July-September 2021.

He said Nigeria is holding bilateral talk with some countries to see how the country can access the surplus vaccines being stockpiled by some developed countries.

“On this, we are working closely with the Embassies and High Commissions in Nigeria. Our communication remains clear that the allocation of vaccines from friendly countries is most useful now, not later when vaccines become widely available,” he said.

Mali’s Membership Suspended By African Union Over Military Coup

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Mali
Mali Map

African Union has suspended Mali’s membership over last week’s coup in the country. This is coming barely three days after the Economic Commission of West African States (ECOWAS) suspended Mali’s membership.

AU “strongly urges the Malian military to urgently and unconditionally return to the barracks, and to refrain from further interference in the political processes in Mali,” a communiqué of its 1001st meeting states.

African Union Peace and Security Council on Tuesday said Mali risks being sanctioned if power is not returned to the civilian transitional government.

The communiqué further called “for the creation of conducive conditions for an unimpeded, transparent and swift return to the civilian-led transition, based on the agreed transition roadmap for Mali.”

The council says Mali fails to comply, AU “will not hesitate to impose targeted sanctions and other punitive measures against any spoilers of the current transition.”

The AU also called for the release of all political detainees, including the interim President Bah Ndaw and Prime Minister Moctar Ouane who had been under house arrest since they were released from military detention after they were arrested last Monday in a coup led by vice-president Assimi Goïta.

Messrs Ndaw and Ouane were ousted from office barely nine months into their tenure as the head of a transitional government tasked with steering Mali back to civilian rule after a group of colonels, including Mr Goïta, toppled former elected President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta in August.

The leaders were held at a military base outside the capital Bamako and were released only after they had resigned from their positions, amid international backlash.

Following their resignation, Mr Goïta declared himself transitional president and said next year’s election would go on as planned. The constitutional court would validate his declaration a day later.

 

NIDCOM and the Dilemmas of Our Diaspora, By Abiodun Adeniyi

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It was interesting listening in to a recent symposium organised by the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NIDCOM). Entitled “Mobilising Nigerians in the Diaspora for National Development”, the symposium was supposedly another conversation around exploring the potentials of the absent citizens. It was valuable, and consistent with the image of NIDCOM as an agency that is rich in ideas, but often unfortunately weak in execution. This weakness is no fault of theirs, nevertheless, for some reasons.

First is poor funding, and second, because of a subtly loud indifference to its mandate.

Third, is some suspected threat of a conflict of responsibility between the Commission and the overarching Foreign Ministry, leading to a real but unacknowledged tension. Fourth, is the poor structural and facility support it presently has, plus a disinterest in helping it out, or even a concern for denying it of the little it has, especially with the recent treatment the personnel got from the penitent fanatic, and Minister of Communication, Dr Isa Pantami. Fifth, is the hitherto inability to appreciate the full import of diasporic influence, aside from the short-term benefits of remittance.

That said, NIDCOM actually also looks like an organisation that might go moribund, after its present charge, Hon. Abike Dabiri-Erewa. Reason being that the evolution of the organisation has substantially benefitted from the predominant brand of the chairperson, as a former television woman, a legislator, with a focus on diaspora matters, before becoming a presidential adviser on diaspora, besides her conscious or unconscious glamour. Her progress in the public sphere has arguably been synonymous with diaspora issues, making her a factor in the description of the Nigerian diaspora.

Add her passion, media initiative, and a level of influence she covets, plus her stimulus, and it would be tougher to deny the effect of her brand. Then remember how institutions come and go, how they are rather revolving around individuals, and personalities, instead of growing lives of their own, plus the present marginal attention the organisation is receiving, then you are likely to feel for the important organisation in the post-Dabiri-Erewa years. The exception is if she probably becomes a Foreign Minister, Vice-President, or a President; or just if she sustains an effect, strong enough to continue supporting them after her time.

And then this: I am imagining that the poor attention to the organisation has resulted or is resulting in a suspected inability to lead a comprehensive or a more credible mapping of the supposed Nigerian Diaspora membership, in such a manner that skill sets will be identified, aside separating the wheat from the chaff. In doing this mapping, it would have been possible to differentiate between Nigerian migrant workers and education sojourners from the real diasporic community – a membership supposedly made up of citizens, largely settled and prosperous, in the distant countries, but still respectful of Nigeria as their inherited origin.

A proper map would also enable the identification of those merely remembering the country as an imaginary ancestral home, never to be returned to, never to be appreciated, but which the government still takes for granted as members of the Nigerian Diaspora. How about knowing the celebrated professionals, predominating the media for their feasts, and doing a sectorial analysis of where they can fit in, if not through physical return but through remote knowledge transfer, partnerships, corporations, integrations and much else?

Let’s see again: We also often assume that many members of the diasporic community are ready to return. Maybe and maybe not. We can check: For a lot of them, the comfort of the distant location they are in have to be replicated, if they have to return. What are these comforts? Constant power supply, security of lives and prosperity, good roads, good jobs, etc. This is about those doing well, and not those still negotiating integration, statutes, or economics.

How about the assumption that Nigeria is still a home for many of them? There should be doubts on this. This is because home, in modern times, has become increasingly subjective, with instantaneous technologies, and motivations for travelling and dwelling, and with the heightened sense of co-presence, regardless of distance. For many, they have constructed another home over time, through marriages, through encouraging and supporting and inviting family members, and home is no longer as missed. It is here – where we are; and not where we are from (due regards to Gilroy). The myth of home has been shattered. They have demythologised it, as Robins and Akor describe it; and unhelped by the retrogression, or lack of development in the ‘home’ left behind. A proper map of the Nigerian Diaspora would help discern all these.

There is also a reason Indians created structures for diasporic return and integration. It is essentially about harnessing their possibilities and potentials. The Chinese have been smart about theirs, largely encouraging return, if to contribute to the late century rise of the Asian Empire, even though nearly 200 Chinese students can still be counted in Western universities, annually. This lot do not pretend about being a diaspora (like ours are easily classed), but only education migrants, returning soon after qualifications. The full effect of this on the Chinese are still being consolidated. Even continuing.

Added to the above is the experience behind the easy integration of Australians in Earl’s court, London; and the Germans in Argentina; aside from the Hong- Kongers in Canada; the Indians in America; the Lebanese, Palestinians, Indians and Chinese in Nigeria and in West Africa; the Chinese in South–East Asia; the Greeks, the Mexicans, the Irish, and the Turks in America; the Pakistanis in Britain, and the Jews in Europe and the Americas. Where can we say Nigerians are, besides an initial assumption that the Igbos once preferred the United States, while the Yorubas fancy the United Kingdom, and that the Hausa/Fulani desire countries in the Middle East?

What are the migrants or diasporic citizens doing in all these places, assuming they are genuinely settled? What statistics do we have regarding the present-day rush to Canada, the crave for the United Arab Emirates (UAE), the detours to China, including the traditional interest in popular destinations like the United Kingdom, the United States, and other countries of the West? How about the circular migrants, those literally living excellently between the borders, moving hither and thither, perhaps for business, sports, entertainment, or for investment reasons? High-flying journalists Dele Momodu, Dele Olojede, Dapo Olorunyomi, Dupe Ashama; businessman, Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim, and our sport exports are examples here.

How do you evaluate the travel patterns of minds like Wole Soyinka, Biodun Jeyifo, Toyin Falola, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Olusegun Aganga, Chimamanda Adichie, Agbani Darego, Wale Adebanwi, Ebenezer Obadare, Kenneth Amaeshi, Farouk Kperogi, and other exemplars, with a wide range residency opportunity abroad, but are gazing back home, and impacting; or have returned to impact? Or should we not bother about the flexible migrants, without firm base anywhere, ready to move like the desert wind; or doing a weak back and forth, a tepid coterminous gaze like Janus, the Greek Patheon – as dictated by survival options?

It might as well be said that foreign or diasporic relations is a continuation of the local condition. So, because we do not know how many we are at home, we cannot be bothered about those outside?! But how about reasoning that it is easier to do an external estimation, than the internal one, or projecting that it might be more reasonable to do the count from outside, considering their comparative small size, far beyond the suppositions often noted by the many diasporic organisations, and the Nigerian embassies?

Listening to many of the diasporic participants at the NIDCOM event, ably anchored by Channels TV’s Juliana Olayinka, your mindset is likely to become ambivalent, just as those of most of the speakers appeared. How? First, most of them sang different lamentation songs (like the home residents are regularly doing) on present day imperfections like lack of power, insecurity, bad roads, poor health facilities, and poor schools, pointing at how those are impediments, even if they want to return.

Second, a lot expectedly exhibited the characteristics of the diasporic double vision, for desiring opportunities back home, despite the hypothetical comfort in the distance. “We want to do business in Nigeria, but we need the right atmosphere”. “We think government should leave some room for Nigerian born experts abroad, rather than calling on the Chinese, and others”. “We need a specific framework to create impact, because we have the potentials”. Though not exactly in their words, but the above quotes are a conceivable summary of their genuine prayers.

Some deductions. First, their concerns do not differ from local concerns, save a suspected inability to appreciate the enormity of the problem. Second, there is a certain assumption of their prime place, in asking for special consideration for contracts, irrespective of laws like the Public Procurement Act (2007), especially on competitive bidding, and which the Chinese, and others, are frequently subjected to, irrespective of circumventions. Third, there is also an unsurprisingly distantiated sense of reality, leading to the simplication of possibilities back home, where openings are largely based on further factors, other than merit. Fourth, there is a pride of travel, ringing through submissions, but signposting another disconnection with the everyday reality of the complex Nigerian condition.

Sixth, a correct appreciation of the initiative of NIDCOM, and its head, but a wrong load of expectation on the many things they think the Commission can do. Seventh, a reflection of the doctrinaire perception of travel as an epistemic venture, irrespective of the development status of destination, making a fellow from a struggling African country, to deliver a brief, but flawed lecture on development to listeners, based on his experiences from that strife-torn country of residence!

Eighth, a neo-colonial, imperialistic psycho love for the Caucasian accent, making many to strangely and ridiculously squeeze, twist, and turn their tongues, to fit a fancy. Ninth, a crave for belonging even if psychologically, through a continuous ownership of the Nigerian passport, but often made difficult by the externalisation of domestic tardiness, and tenth is the longing to be factors in the evolution of a country, through the excitement of participation, as exhibited by many.

It seemed heartening for a lot of them to see state officials like ministers, the NIDCOM chairperson, and others talking to them, and answering their questions – a thing that home residents often now hate to see, because of the expanding trust deficit between the leaders and the lead. Seeing the state officials, at close quarters, talking to them, was for the travelled people, like the rare angels’ visit, which should be cherished. Overall, I imagine an empowered NIDCOM reconciling, or resolving these issues, else it should simply be collapsed into a desk in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, so we know we are not ready, perhaps in the light of arguments around too many commissions, or agencies. I would have thought though that what is worth doing is worth doing well?

Abiodun Adeniyi who teaches Mass Communication at Baze University, Abuja, is a diasporic communication researcher.  

 

Remembering the Stateless People of Nigeria, By Olanrewaju Osho

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Olanrewaju Osho (credit: Twitter)

Zephaniah Dantani was excited to hear the good news of his success at the job interview to recruit young professionals for the Central Bank of Nigeria. He was overwhelmed with emotions as he hurried up to confirm from his electronic mail the good news broken to him a while ago via a text message sent to his phone.

“Waoh! What a sweet end to the harrowing five stage interview process that began twelve weeks ago!”, he enthused as he opened his mail. The exercise had commenced with a written test that was used to reduce the two hundred and fifty thousand young job seekers shortlisted to a more manageable three thousand applicants who had two more tests to write before they could qualify for the two technical stages that would determine the successful applicants. Even though he knew he performed very well at the fifth and final stage, he wasn’t quite sure whether he would be one of the final lucky 150 people who would be picked eventually from amongst the 650 finalists. He felt he was in a dream land of sort as he hurriedly began to search for the message that was sent to him by CBN’s Human Resources Department.

“There you are!”, he shouted ecstatically and opened the mail. The message confirmed the good news in greater details and directed him to click the link to the acceptance form that must be filled and submitted before resuming work in two weeks. As he clicked the link and scrolled up and down to survey the required information in the form, his mien suddenly changed and his excitement fizzled away like smoke in a dark night.

The transition in his countenance was so deeply troubling that anyone watching nearby would wonder whether he was asked to go bring his dead great grandmother along with him as a condition for resuming work in the new job. Amazingly, that wasn’t the case. The source of his sorrow was the section of the form which required him to select his state of origin from the 36 options provided.

Filling forms for university admissions, telephone subscription, applying for international passport, driver’s licence, jobs and so on have somehow been Dantani’s greatest nightmare since he became old enough to fill forms by himself. He always got confused and sorrowful whenever he reached the part of the process where he had to fill his state of origin because he is one of the over two million Nigerians without a state of origin. All the forms always provide a space for him to fill the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) as his place of residence but customarily leaves out the FCT as one of the options whenever information about his state of origin is required.

While applying for university admission seven years ago, he was forced to select Niger State, even though he is not from any town or local government area in there. If he had refused to pick one of the states near FCT as his home state, he would never have been able to submit his form, no matter how many times he tried. His parents and grandparents are from Bwari in the Federal Capital Territory, but sadly the FCT is not a state in Nigeria.

The Constitution of Nigeria in Chapter 8 deals with the issue of the FCT. It states that the FCT shall be ‘treated as if it is a state,’ yet the document recognises only 36 states. That foundational error has rendered not only Dantani, but all the indigenous people of the Capital Territory stateless and this always forces them to lie and select any of the adjoining states of the FCT that is nearest to their village, as their state of origin whenever they have to fill out a form.

The burden of statelessness is only one of the many burdens of the indigenous people who are the original owners of the land housing Nigeria’s capital city. The systemic marginalisation they are forced to endure every single day is the king of all their burdens. They have lost a huge chunk of their farmlands, with all the history behind those lands, and they are losing more and more with every new day that breaks.

If there ever is any hope that the injustice done to these ever peaceful and considerate people will ever be addressed, the constitutional amendment being touted by the ninth National Assembly appears to be the quickest semblance of hope. The lawmakers should be courageous and caring enough to seize this opportunity to address the pains of the people who have been made to suffer all manners of systemic marginalisation for over four decades, as their supreme sacrifice to give Nigeria a better capital city.

Asides from being made stateless, they are being made landless too. Their farmlands are the foundation of the new modern city we enjoy today. With every new district opened up for development, the livelihoods, culture, history and memories of thousands of them disappear with the bulldozers that clear the land.

The original inhabitants of the FCT have been directly denied the enjoyment of many of their rights as enshrined in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) since General Muritala Muhammed approved Justice Akinola Aguda and his panel’s selection of the 8,000 square kilometres of land as the most suitable location for Nigeria’s new capital city in 1976. The disruption and dislocation the original inhabitants have experienced is apparent in their loss of basic political, cultural and economic rights. The relocation of Nigeria’s capital city from Lagos has taken a serious toll on the lives, livelihoods, economic opportunities and cultural repositories of the people.

Erroneously, many people had thought that the Federal Government of Nigeria had compensated the people of FCT for their land taken over to build Abuja. Only a few people know that the Olusegun Obasanjo government that succeeded General Muhammed couldn’t pay the over $6 billion needed to compensate the original owners of FCT because the agreed sum was, as at that time, Nigeria’s budget for three years. Subsequent governments have either been pushing the compensation issue aside since then or merely begging the issue.

The National Assembly must now rise above sentiments to put the plights of the indigenous people of the FCT on top of their priority as they pursue their new agenda of amending Nigeria’s most derided constitution. Correcting the injustices done to the very accommodating people of FCT through this constitution amendment is the only recipe to avoid the looming danger that continuous neglect and violation of the rights of the people of FCT exposes the nation to.

All well meaning people of Nigeria and the world must stand up in concert with the original inhabitants of the FCT from now on to put the key constitutional and governance issues undermining their political, civil, economic and cultural rights on the platform of change.

The original inhabitants of our nation’s capital have been at the receiving end of unjust dispossession of their lands and livelihoods without proper compensation for far too long. It’s time to right the wrong.

Olanrewaju Osho is the Executive Director of Inspire Nigeria Initiative. He ran for election in 2019 to represent the Federal Capital Territory in the Senate as the candidate of Abundant Nigeria Renewal Party (ANRP).

Nigeria Needs Better Management for Better Healthcare, By Adekemi Adeniyan

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My phone beeped at 1 a.m. The text message from my sister was brief: “Daddy is in the hospital.”

A quick call established that they had spent the past five hours trying to get my 65-year-old dad – who had severe headache and delirium – admitted into the emergency ward of a government hospital in Lagos.

My father is a doctor who has given over 35 years of his life to the Nigerian healthcare system. Yet, he was at the brink of death – not because his ailment was incurable but because treatment was being delayed with hurdles set by poor hospital management and lack of staffing.

When he was finally admitted, he was put on an unclean bed without a bedspread. A hospital staff member screamed at the family to get their own bedspread, as there was none available due to crowding in the wards.

We could explain this away by saying “It’s the pandemic”. But Nigerians will tell you that this is a common occurrence in many government and primary healthcare centres in Nigeria.

Nigeria has a deficit in the number of qualified doctors: the country needs about 237,000 doctors to ensure the population’s health needs are catered for but currently has only about 35,000. Each day it loses doctors to foreign hospitals, as they leave in search of better salaries or, given the number of unpaid staff, any salary at all.

In addition, our healthcare system already struggles with more patients than hospital beds – which was true even before the pandemic. Compared to the global average of 26 hospital beds per 10,000 people, we have just five. We are talking of about just 134,000 beds to a population of 211 million people. The United Kingdom, which has less than half of Nigeria’s population with just 68 million people, can boast of over 170,548 hospital beds.

The COVID-19 pandemic is not to blame for the state of our hospitals or how we treat patients. The pandemic has merely opened our eyes to the preexisting problems.

And one of these is proper hospital management.

While we were relieved that we got our father a bed, we were met with a sleep-deprived intern assigned to administer care to him. The doctor had been on a 72-hour weekend call and was obviously exhausted.

But the hospital was short staffed, so he had to do the work of three interns. He told us to wait another 24 hours to see the consultant.

We were later told that my dad had suffered a stroke. It was clear that a single further delay in administering care could take his life.

Although my dad survived the hours of waiting, many others do not.

Earlier this year, a woman died in Lagos after being turned down from different hospitals due to the lack of bed space. My dad was also turned down by many hospitals until we called someone who could assist.

Ironically, days after struggling to get him admitted, we had to wait for over three days to get him discharged. While it is not unusual for hospitals to delay discharging patients who have not paid their bills, this delay was because the attending doctor was too busy to sign the release form.

Good management of government hospitals is an important aspect of making healthcare accessible by everyone in Nigeria. We have more premature deaths due to hospital delays and lack of organisation than sickness.

When Nigerians are faced with life threatening emergencies, we already have huge out-of-pocket costs to worry about. Families should not also be concerned about getting a bed – or even clean sheets for that matter.

When we talk about the challenges within the Nigerian healthcare system, we are often quick to criticise the government or the health workers dealing directly with patients. But what about the people whose job it is to ensure the efficient functioning of these institutions? Poor management and organisation will equal lead to poor patient care.

We must take action now to ensure more administrative strength in our health institutions. Here are few ways we can:

First, medical schools should incorporate management skills into the curriculum for future healthcare professionals: As we are teaching our healthcare students to handle the worst clinical scenarios, we should also teach them how to take executive decisions. These are the people who will end up managing our hospitals. Implementing this now is important to get them ready for the leadership challenges of our healthcare system.

Second, health regulatory and licensing boards must ensure all hospital administrators are enrolled in continuous programmes that will build their leadership abilities, people skills and critical thinking; managing a hospital demands great people-handling skills, problem solving and emotional intelligence. A deep knowledge of our healthcare system is not enough to run a hospital and keep employees on track.

Third, government hospitals should create mentoring opportunities for hospital administrators. Mentoring can help them learn from other administrators globally. This allows for them to share skills and institutional knowledge. It also creates room for thoughtful feedback and support.

Fourth, the Ministry of Health needs to create a centralised monitoring system that ensures standard delivery of care at all levels. This will ensure a smoother processing of patients through the system, with quicker admissions and discharge times. Discharging at the right time means more bed space; and more bed space means more money for hospitals.

Yes, the Nigerian health system needs a whole lot of work to be done but let’s start with good management, so that families can have better experiences and quality care.

If we cannot trust our hospitals to provide bedspreads, how can we trust them with our lives?

Adekemi Adeniyan is a rural dentist breaking down barriers to oral health for underserved communities to ensure equitable health access for all in Nigeria. Follow her on twitter @PstDrKemi

Why Southern Kaduna Wants A Restructured Federal Republic Of Nigeria, By Luka Binniyat

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Introduction:

Nigeria, the promising giant African baby that the British birthed by fusing the arid Muslim north, the independent pagan tribes of the Middle Belt and the largely animist and Christian South in 1904 has had uneven growth. Abused and mismanaged, 61 years after independence it is in a critical condition. Watered by the great Niger and Benue rivers and richly endowed with human and material resources, Nigeria has become a huge disappointment and worry not only to itself and Africa, but to the entire world. If a remedy is not quickly sought and applied, Nigeria may implode and perish along with all the promise it holds for itself and for humanity. In Southern Kaduna, we do not want Nigeria to die. We are joined by other areas of the country in insisting that Nigeria needs political surgery and not the severing of any of its ailing parts. We remain resolute that a radical restructuring of the most populous Black nation remains the best prescription to ensure that it is healed and all its federating organs function well for the overall wellbeing of Nigeria, its neighbours, and the world at large.

The area of Southern Kaduna

Southern Kaduna, the geographical centre of Nigeria, is located in the southern part of Kaduna State. It has an area of 26,000km sq (nearly twice the land area of Kuwait and about half the size of Switzerland). A dry and a rainy season of equal length ensures that Southern Kaduna is the so-called parkland of the Savannah served with perennial streams and rivers. With lush plains and green valleys beneath scattered hills, Southern Kaduna is an ideal farming and grazing enclave. The mineral deposits beneath its soil are huge and diverse but totally untapped. Encompassing 67 ethnic nationalities that are 90 percent Christian, Southern Kaduna’s researched history dates back to 500 BC to the Nok civilization famed for its terracotta sculptures.

Two nations in one state

Kaduna State is fairly evenly divided into two parts – the north with an area of 20,000km sq dominated by Hausa and Fulani Muslims – and the southern part, which has land area of 26,000km sq and is Christian dominated. According to the 2006 National Population Commission (NPC) census figures, Southern Kaduna has a marginal majority, 51.2 percent, of the 6.3 million population of the state. Today, the projected population of Kaduna State is 8.4 million; Southern Kaduna has 4.28 million residents.

Unnatural master/servant relationship

After the British defeated the great Hausa/Fulani and Kanuri-Borno Muslim kingdoms of northern Nigeria in 1902, the smaller ethnic groups of central Nigeria and the plateau highlands remained acephalous societies that were still battling invading bands of Fulani/Hausa jihadists and slave raiders. Southern Kaduna, which was never conquered by jihadists, was brought under the indirect rule system of governance designed by the colonialists. Southern Kaduna was handed over to the Zazzau Emirate, which treated the area like its vassal state. This created further resentment among the populace with the memory of wars among them still fresh.

Embracing Christianity to spite Islam

Despite centuries of interaction with Muslims traders and later jihadists, Islam made virtually no progress among the pagan tribes of Southern Kaduna. But as if to spite Zazzau and its religion, Southern Kaduna accepted western education and Christianity with astonishing speed. By 1965, less than 40 years after Christian missionaries set foot in Southern Kaduna, the area had converted to Christianity, though pagan practices still thrived in some places. Today, Southern Kaduna is a formidable Christian area, with pockets of Muslims where Hausa and Fulani settled.

Why Southern Kaduna backs the restructuring of Nigeria

Southern Kaduna sees the current 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) as a major stumbling block to the growth, stability and progress of Nigeria. For Nigeria to work, the current constitution must be fundamentally reworked to accommodate new features and remove sections that have been the bane of our advancement. The following aspects should be considered in any restructuring of Nigeria.

(1) The state’s creation

The 2000 Kaduna Sharia violence was caused by the planned implementation of Sharia law in Kaduna State. It cost the lives of hundreds of innocent Christians and Muslims and resulted in major destruction of property. It was just one of several acts of violence where religion and ethnicity pitted adherents of the two major faiths against each other. The 2014 National Conference acknowledged that Kaduna State was an ugly union of two different faiths, culture, history and values. It thus proposed creating a new state in Southern Kaduna, to be known as Gurara. Southern Kaduna still supports the creation of Gurara State in a restructured Nigeria.

(2) Devolution of power

The current power architecture of Nigeria is unitary with the federating states conceding many rights to the central government. There is therefore too much power and clout vested in the federal government. We propose that:

  1. i) Every state should establish its own police force, complete with local government area (LGA) police and vigilante corps.
  2. ii) There should be true fiscal federalism where each state controls its own resources and contributes to the central government according to an agreed formula.

iii) The power vested in the federal government with the ownership of all lands in Nigeria, including offshore, under the Land Use Act of 1978, has been subject to abuse, resulting in the exploitation and suppression of indigenous land owners. The Land Use Act of 1978 should be abolished and lands returned to the traditional land tenure system.

  1. iv) From (iii) all resources beneath and above the land shall therefore be community-owned, subject to best global practices.
  2. v) States should be free to create local government areas as long as these are able to be self-funding.
  3. vi) Every state should control its own waterways, forestry, wildlife and biodiversity in a sustainable manner for the protection of the eco-system and tourism.

(3) Religion

  1. i) We recommend that the proposed constitution should make it unambiguous that the federal government will not fund or sponsor any religious body or functions, such as pilgrimages or religious courts. Therefore section 275 of the 1999 constitution that allows for the creation of Sharia courts in the country should be removed. The Muslim and Christian Pilgrimage Boards should also go.
  2. ii) However, the federal government should put in place strong regulations to guide states that want to implement religious bodies. This is to protect minority rights and prevent our democracy from drifting towards theocracy.

(4) Indigineship/Settlers’ status

  1. i) There should be a clear definition of the terms ‘resident’, ‘indigene’ (native) and ‘citizen’ and each person should be aware of his rights, privileges and obligations to the state.

(5) Constituency delineation

  1. i) Wards, state and federal constituencies and senatorial zones should be based on a threshold of agreed population, land mass and economic activity.
  2. ii) The bicameral legislature should be abolished and replaced with a single parliament.

(6) A central standing military, police and paramilitary

  1. i) There should continue to be one Nigerian Army, Air Force, Navy and sundry military wings under the president who shall continue to be the commander-in-chief.
  2. ii) There should also continue to be a federal police service

iii) The Nigerian immigration and customs service, drugs control services etc. should also continue to come under the federal government.

  1. iv) The federal government should continue to have oversight of the aviation and maritime authorities as well as the federal highways.

Conclusion:

These are the main areas that Southern Kaduna proposes should be addressed in a restructuring of Nigeria.

The Southern Kaduna Peoples Union (SOKAPU), the umbrella body of the 67 ethnic groups, is ready to carry out an awareness raising campaign among its members.

Luka Binniyat is a Journalist and National spokesman of Southern Kaduna Peoples Union (SOKAPU)

News Daily Nigeria

Nigeria: Zulum Orders Rehabilitation of Destroyed Properties, New Houses At Ajiri

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Borno State Governor, Babagana Umara Zulum on Wednesday travelled to Ajiri, a community in Mafa Local Government Area.

During the visit, Governor Zulum has ordered for the immediate rehabilitation of destroyed properties, and construction of additional houses to enable more people return.

Insurgents launched an attack on Ajiri 5th of May 2021, where 8 people were killed and houses destroyed.

Zulum on arrival had an interaction with the security operatives maintaining law and order in Ajiri town, and met with fleeing residents afterwards who are taking refuge in Mafa to facilitate their return.

Zulum urged Ajiri residents to be resilient and support the security personnel to defend their community.

Similarly, the Governor has commended the military personnel in the town for their doggedness and sacrifice.

“The current crop of military personnel are strong, they have been doing a wonderful job. We came to see them and boost their moral.” Zulum said.

Nigeria Concludes Marginal Field Bid Round, 18 Years After

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An Oil rig

The Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) Tuesday concluded the 2020 marginal oilfield bid round, the first successful bid since 2003 when 24 assets were put on offer.

The process, which culminated in the presentation of letters to the bid winners in Abuja by the industry regulator, started in June last year, with 57 marginal fields spanning land, swamp and offshore put up for lease by the federal government.

This came just as the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) yesterday unfolded plans to acquire shares in five more private refineries in Nigeria, bringing to six its interests in refineries it is targeting.

However, during the bid round, the DPR stated that 161 successful companies were shortlisted to advance to the final stage. Those shortlisted were selected from 591 entities that applied for pre-qualification.

Marginal fields are smaller oil blocks typically developed by indigenous companies and have remained unproduced for a period of over 10 years.
Some of the companies, which emerged winners included: Matrix Energy, AA Rano, Andova Plc, Duport Midstream, Genesis Technical, Twin Summit, Bono Energy, Deep Offshore Integrated, Oodua Oil, MRS and Petrogas.

Others are: North Oils and Gas, Pierport, Metropole, Pioneer Global, Shepherd Hill, Akata, NIPCO, Aida, YY Connect, Accord Oil, Pathway Oil, Tempo Oil and Virgin Forest, among others.
It was a big win for local oil and gas companies, which had a good outing during the ceremony as 100 per cent of the beneficiaries of the exercise were indigenous entities.

Nigeria last conducted marginal field bid rounds in 2003, with 16 of the fields now contributing just two per cent to the national oil and gas reserves, a figure the DPR said would be substantially boosted by the latest exercise, worth about $500 million in signature bonuses.

At the presentation of letters to the winners, DPR Director, Mr. Sarki Auwalu, stated that a total of 591 firms submitted expression of interest forms, out of which 540 were pre-qualified, while 482 were bids submitted by 405 applicants.

He said: “In the end, 161 companies were shortlisted as potential awardees, out of which 50 per cent has met all conditions and therefore eligible for awards today. We are set to ensure opportunities are extended to other deserving applicants to fill the gap.

“The DPR is not just a regulator, we are an opportunity house. We drive creativity and transformation and we use these in all of our activities. This is done in the overriding national interest.”

According to him, the bid will enhance economic growth, increase Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and create employment, while with the experience garnered before now, mistakes of the past will be avoided.

He said that the desire of the government was for the awardees to hit “first oil” in record time, adding that a technical workshop will be organised with all bid winners for guidance on field development and operations.

He pledged to support the bid winners to operate within the country’s oil and gas space, urging them to take advantage of the oil and gas centre recently inaugurated by President Muhammadu Buhari.

“Despite the daunting challenges of the triple force (oil price crash, global pandemic and production cuts) in 2020, which dealt a severe blow on the world market and global economy, the DPR forged ahead with government aspirations for the industry,” he said.

He stated that the exercise was carried out in two phases, expression of interest and prequalification, as well as technical and financial phase.

He said the phase one ensured that applicants were subjected to screening of basic documentations such as shareholders’ details, directors, management team, procedures and systems, legal and association status, basic technical capability, financial capability and corporate accountability.
Auwalu stated that the DPR has now provided opportunities through the marginal field bid round to indigenous operators for wealth creation and economic growth consistent with government’s drive for increased GDP, employment generation and improved revenue.

“The DPR will continue to follow up and guide the awardees every step of the way. For instance, a guiding template of working agreement has been drafted for joint awardees and discussions have reached advanced stage between DPR and lease holders on the Farmout agreement and other technical enablers,” he added.

Earlier, the Head, Basinal Assessment and Lease Administration (BALA) of the organisation, Mr. Edu Inyang, said when the exercise was being embarked upon, the objectives were to increase indigenous participation in the oil and gas industry, increase reserves, rev up technological transfer, attract investment and enhance revenue generation.

He stated that a large part of the objectives had been achieved, with the culmination of the process in the presentation of letters.

Assistant Director, DPR, Mr. Abel Nsa, in his remarks, said with the revocation of 11 licences, Nigeria was losing a lot of revenue, with taxes and royalties not being paid on the assets, leaving about 40 million barrels unproduced and many opportunities missed

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