Nigeria’s struggle for democracy had been quite thorny from the first and second republics to the June 12, 1993 election which was annulled, to the present dispensation which has lasted 22 straight years. Throughout this period, there has been the good, the bad and the ugly moments. We have also had players who shaped, and have continued to shape, the struggle for the sustenance of Nigeria’s democracy.

Since the declaration of June 12 as Nigeria’s democracy day by President Muhammadu Buhari in 2018, the new date has assumed the status of the nation’s mirror to reflect our journey to democratic governance after so many years of successive military administrations and the struggles that followed to entrench democracy that will stand the test of time.

Nigeria’s first democratic experience after independence was the parliamentary system of government referred to as the First Republic, which had Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe of the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) as president, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa of the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) as prime minister, and Chief Obafemi Awolowo of the Action Group (AG) as leader of the opposition. There were also four premiers: Sir Ahmadu Bello, Northern Region; Chief Samuel Akintola, Western Region; Chief Michael Okpara, Eastern Region, and Chief Dennis Osadebey, Midwestern Region.

Sadly, the 1966 military coup ended the First Republic and introduced the military regime in the political system of the country, and it went on to dominate the nation’s life.

Nigeria returned to democracy in 1979 when General Olusegun Obasanjo handed over power to Alhaji Usman Aliyu Shehu Shagari of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) as the elected president after he defeated other political chieftains like Chief Obafemi Awolowo of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe of the Nigeria Peoples Party (NPP), Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim of the Great Nigeria People’s Party (GNPP) and Mallam Aminu Kano of the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP).

As the country struggled to learn the ropes, the Second Republic was brought to a halt by another military coup just three months into President Shagari’s second term.

The attempt to return the country to democracy in 1993 under a two-party system composed of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican Convention (NRC) produced Chief Moshood Abiola (MKO) and Alhaji Bashir Othman Tofa respectively. Surprisingly, SDP fielded a Muslim/Muslim ticket with Chief MKO Abiola and Ambassador Babagana Kingibe as presidential and vice presidential candidates respectively while NRC had Bashir Tofa and Sylvester Ugoh on the other side.

The June 12, 1993 election was described as fantastic, free, fair and most peaceful election in Nigeria. Nigerians had in that election jettisoned primordial sentiments of religion and ethnicity to elect SDP’s Muslim/Muslim ticket of Abiola and Kingibe with over 8.3 million votes to defeat NRC’s Tofa/Ugoh who scored 5.9 million votes.

The 1993 election gave the nation a new hope for national unity and prosperity. However, the results were never announced officially. A court order obtained by one previously unknown group, Association for Better Nigeria (ABN), suspended the process and, eventually, the election was annulled by the then military regime. Today, June 12 has become Nigeria’s symbol of democracy.

Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999 at a time when military regime was no longer fashionable globally was celebrated by Nigerians and the international community. Similarly, in what seemed to be a national healing process, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) fielded Chief Olusegun Obasanjo who enjoyed a lot of sympathy and support from Nigerians over what was described as wrongful detention by the Abacha regime. The party rode to success and thereafter remained in power for 16 years.

The PDP as a ruling party also had its challenges, producing 12 national chairmen in its 16 years of rule. It started with Chief Barnabas Gemade (999-2001), Chief Audu Ogbeh (2001-2005), Ahmadu Ali (2005-2008), Prince Vincent Ogbulagor (2008-2010), Dr. Okwesilieze Nwodo (2010), Dr. Haliru Mohammed (2010), Alhaji Kawu Baraje (2011-2014), Bamanga Tukur (2012-2014), Adamu Muazu (2015), Sen. Ali Modu Sheriff (2015-2016), Ahmed Mohammed Makarfi (2015-2016) and Uche Secondus 2017- date.

In 2013, four parties, namely the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) and Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), merged to oust PDP from power.

Chief Tom Ikimi, a chieftain of the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) stated that leaders of the four merging parties had agreed that the need to form a formidable party to wrest power from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in 2015 was more urgent than ever.

“At no time in our national life has the need for radical change become more urgent. And to meet the challenge, we the following political parties, namely, ACN, ANPP, APGA and CPC, have resolved to merge forthwith and become All Progressive Congress (APC) and offer to our beleaguered people a recipe for peace and prosperity,” Ikimi said.

The election of President Muhammadu in 2015 heralded the beginning of the APC administration. The new ruling party started with Chief Bisi Akande as the interim national chairman in 2013, followed by the election of Chief John Odigie-Oyegun in 2014 and Adams Oshiomhole in 2018.

However, Oshiomhole’s reign was submerged in various crises with a litany of litigations. This not only threatened the very existence of the party but was also distracting the APC-led federal government of President Muhammadu Buhari.

On June 25, 2018 the National Executive Committee (NEC) of the ruling APC had to take decisive action to save the party from an imminent collapse. This saw to the constitution of a 13-man Caretaker/Extraordinary Convention Planning Committee under the leadership of Yobe State governor, Hon. Mai Mala Buni.

The decision of the party’s National Executive Committee to dissolve the Adams Oshiomhole-led National Working Committee (NWC) was welcomed by many party faithful; some were, however, skeptical and remained on the fence, while few others with sympathy to Oshiomhole outrightly condemned the entire action.

As a two-term national secretary of the party, Governor Buni brought his experience to bear. He aggressively pursued the founding members of the party, including Chief Bisi Akande and Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, among others, to understand why the Caretaker Committee was needed – which was to save the party. His bargaining power for reconciliation through courtesy, humility, respect and throwing the party ownership to the people through the now famous bottom-up approach quickly cemented relationships with a new trust in the APC.

Buni’s declaration of true and genuine reconciliation among members was indeed the expected panacea to commence the herculean task of moving the party out of the woods. The sincerity, or otherwise, of this statement was to decide and determine the fate and recovery of the party.

Buni’s style of leadership was to remain neutral, objective and impartial in handling disputes; give everyone what genuinely belongs to them; carry everyone along as demonstrated by the appointment of party members from all factions into various committees, thereby giving everyone a sense of belonging. He is a strong apostle of building democracy that derives its strength from the electorate.

The reconciliation of intensely contending factions in Zamfara State, for instance, is indeed a case study. APC had lost in Zamfara, Rivers, Cross River and Bayelsa states. However, the internal feuds in these states have been settled. Reports of skirmishes among stakeholders in Kwara, Ogun, Imo and Rivers states are being addressed in order to have a strong and united party in all the state chapters.

Buni’s approach worked like a magnet and, soon, prominent politicians cutting across all political parties, including former PDP chairman Chief Barnabas Gemade, two former Speakers of the House of Representatives, Dimeji Bankole and Yakubu Dogara, former Ogun State governor and director-general of the PDP’s Atiku Abubakar Presidential Campaign Organisation, Otumba Gbenga Daniel, Senator Kabir Marafa, have either rejoined or newly joined the party and paid loyalty to the leadership of the party.

The dates, November 17, 2020 and May 20, 2021, will remain memorable in the history of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the political history of Nigeria. These were the days serving governors of Ebonyi and Cross River states, Mr. Dave Umahi and Prof. Ben Ayade respectively defected from the opposition PDP to the APC.

With his gift of humble approach, political experience and tenacity, Hon. Mai Mala Buni has undoubtedly proved to be a strong source of political stability in Nigeria.

As a politician who started his career at the grassroots as a councillor, then state party chairman, political adviser, national secretary of a party and state governor, this deep-rooted experience has provided him with some added advantage in managing political affairs effectively and efficiently.
He is, indeed, an advocate of internal and true democracy where power truly comes from the people.

Mohammed is the Director-General Press and Media Affairs to Yobe Gov. Mai Mala Buni

People with albinism face multiple forms of discrimination worldwide. Albinism is still profoundly misunderstood, socially and medically. The physical appearance of persons with albinism is often the object of erroneous beliefs and myths influenced by superstition, which fosters their marginalisation and social exclusion. This leads to various forms of stigma and discrimination.

International Albinism Awareness Day 2021 falls on 13 June every year. The importance of this day cannot be overstated but is often overlooked due to persons with albinism being considered outsiders, or outcasts who do not deserve a voice.

In some communities, erroneous beliefs and myths, heavily influenced by superstition, put people’s security and lives with albinism at constant risk. These beliefs and myths are centuries old and are present in cultural attitudes and practices around the world.

South Africans living with albinism are among the most marginalised and vulnerable of the country’s citizens. Yet, very little attention is given to protecting them from human rights violations, threats and violent crime. This applies more so to children with albinism who are often kidnapped and murdered as part of barbaric practices. During Child Protection Week, the plight of children with albinism comes up because parents of these children are even afraid to send them to school in fear of them being kidnapped and murdered.

Impact on people’s lives 

Maureen Mswela in her study on violence against persons with albinism writes that although the extent of violent crimes targeting South Africans with this condition has not reached the levels encountered in some other African countries, new evidence indicates a surge in violent crimes against persons with albinism. The vulnerability of these persons requires immediate attention before it spirals out of control. It is clear that a case is to be made for compelling, in particular, the state to intervene.

While the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa recognises equality before the law and allows everyone the benefit of protection under the law, the plight of persons with albinism within communities is a far reality from this. Equality and non-discrimination are sometimes utopian concepts for many with albinism who face constant discrimination, emotional abuse, and violence.

The impacts of albinism are severe in areas that associate albinism with legend and folklore, leading to stigmatisation and discrimination. In regions of Africa, those with albinism may be assaulted and killed for their body parts for use in witchcraft-related rites or to make ‘lucky’ charms. There is a shortage of research on the psychosocial aspects of albinism and particularly on how albinism impacts the everyday lives of people with albinism.

Those living with albinism grow up living a life of fear as stories of being kidnapped and violence are drilled into them for their own safety. This may lead to serious emotional and mental problems, including but not limited to trust issues, and living in fear.

The United Nations defines albinism as a rare, non-contagious, genetically inherited difference present at birth. In almost all types of albinism, both parents must carry the gene for it to be passed on, even if they do not have albinism themselves. The condition is found in both sexes regardless of ethnicity and in all countries of the world. Albinism results in a lack of pigmentation (melanin) in the hair, skin and eyes, causing vulnerability to the sun and bright light. As a result, almost all people with albinism are visually impaired and are prone to developing skin cancer. There is no cure for the absence of melanin that is central to albinism.

While numbers vary, it is estimated that in North America and Europe 1 in every 17,000 to 20,000 people have some form of albinism. The condition is much more prevalent in sub-Saharan Africa, with estimates of 1 in 1,400 people being affected in Tanzania and prevalence as high as 1 in 1,000 reported for select populations in Zimbabwe and for other specific ethnic groups in Southern Africa. Available statistics point to there being approximately 12 000 affected individuals in South Africa, however, this number can be much higher due to unregistered births, as well as parents with children with albinism fleeing to South Africa to seek protection for their children.

Risk of skin cancer 

The lack of melanin means persons with albinism are highly vulnerable to developing skin cancer. In some countries, a majority of persons with albinism die from skin cancer between 30 and 40 years of age. Skin cancer is highly preventable when persons with albinism enjoy their right to health.

This includes access to regular health checks, sunscreen, sunglasses and sun-protective clothing. In a significant number of countries, these life-saving means are unavailable or inaccessible to them. Consequently, in the realm of development measures, persons with albinism have been and are among those “left furthest behind.” Therefore, they ought to be targeted for human rights interventions in the manner envisioned by the Sustainable Development Goals.

The Covid-19 Pandemic has not left the lives of persons with albinism untouched. Apart from outrageous beliefs that bad luck brought on by persons with albinism may lead to community members falling sick, or contracting Covid-19, persons with albinism have also had supply lines for protective creams and clothing impacted due to the lockdown.

I really appeal to every South African citizen with and without disabilities, private and public sector, government departments and local municipalities, to hold hands with the Department to ensure that we continue to build communities inclusive of disability rights. Wherever you are, I ask that you include persons with albinism in your social circles, and ensure that your children are educated not to discriminate against children with albinism at their schools. Addressing the stigma affecting persons with albinism will go a long way in fully enjoying their rights within communities.

Professor Hlengiwe Mkhize is Deputy Minister in the Presidency for Women, Youth and Persons with Disabilities.

Your purpose in life is to use your gifts and talents to help other people. Your journey in life teaches you how to do that – Tom Krause (1934-2013), Finnish bass-baritone.

A gifted man’s skill can never go unnoticed, even if it takes a while before fame smiles at him. Consistency has a way of rewarding a dogged and resilient individual who persists at what he does. Without monetary rewards or encouragement from people, one with talent uses it to the best for others to benefit or tap from. Preventing a gifted man from manifesting his talent is like taking his breath away; same could be said of Banji Ojewale if he is denied showing forth his God-given writing talent.

Banji holds in high esteem his name, especially if a piece would be carrying his identity. I was in a discussion with him recently, when he disclosed his opinion to me on an offer he got from a group of people. He was engaged to write an article on a subject matter that would require thorough research and asked to deliver the piece within a few hours. He declined the offer when he was told to hurriedly prepare the piece. When I asked why he rejected the offer, he made me understand that he could never compromise his writing style for monetary offer or gain, and most especially because the piece would carry his name. My take-away from his action was that Banji places a huge premium on the signature, which is indicative of identity, in all of his writings.

The veteran journalist does not joke with his way and style of putting a piece together. He cares less about how long it would take him to prepare a piece, so far as it aligns with his style and does not deviate from his honed writing pattern. His style – alliteration and assonance, mixed with the regular use of adjectives to describe clearly and capture fully the attention of his reader, cannot but make one ask for more.

Banji captivates his readers with the aesthetics of his writing. Apart from his writing style and wide experience in the print and electronic media, his deep and robust research, deploying facts and figures on the subject matter he writes on, usually blows one away.

Of note, among other qualities that is worthy of admiration in Banji’s writing style, is his use of a regular, well-patterned vocabulary in driving home his points on a subject. He conveniently thrills his readers with the rhymes of words most times without failing to hit the nail on the head by making his points clear. Banji writes with elegance and style, which give his write-ups uniqueness and colour. Even in his sunset years, his writing prowess doesn’t appear to be diminishing. His literary style would even challenge masters of prose and poetry when they read his piece.

A special attribute one would easily find in Banji is his principled lifestyle of discipline and commitment to a course that has greatly impacted everyone around him. He admonishes everyone he has had personal encounter with to be committed to this same course; serving God and moving close to Him. There is no one, old or young, that is very close to him, who does not tap from his vast wealth of knowledge. He advises with all sense of humility and caution, especially on sensitive issues. Let me add that the Banji I know is generous and also kind to a fault.

The teachings, instructions and guardianships I have enjoyed under Banji’s tutelage as a father cannot be fully captured or expressed with words, as he only can tell how far he has gone, for his children to reach for their best. But then, he isn’t a selfish father, as he does not limit his counsel and guidance to his children alone, he also reaches out to everyone he has ever had encounter with. When it comes to keeping in touch with people, Banji’s friends and associates can testify to the regular goodwill messages they receive from him every month. He does not forget to do this to all his contacts on the first day of every month.

Banji Ojewale, a journalist and writer, retired but still active in literary works and contributions, was born on June 13, 1950 in Accra, Ghana, were he was also bred. He has various educational and professional qualifications with vast years of professional experience in journalism and mass communication. He has worked as a media practitioner and consultant all his life till the present, in major print and electronic organisations in Nigeria. He has travelled to some parts of Europe and Asia. Banji was sponsored by a Russian News agency back in 1987, and he got rewarded for the best write-up on the trip. He was also part of the team of African journalists asked to tour parts of the Soviet Union and cover the war in Afghanistan.

Banji, in his younger years in school, won a scholarship at Wesley Grammar School, Accra, Ghana as his brilliance and intelligence announced him at an early age. As he turns 71 on June 13, his loved ones can only but wish him more power to his elbow, as he moves deeper into his twilight years.

The widely read and travelled man, fondly called TBO (Theophilus Banji Ojewale) by his friends, is a devout Christian who loves writing, reading the Bible, analysing TV documentaries and telling stories to children at bedtime. He has written many articles, feature stories and reviewed many books by different authors. Banji recently wrote a book, yet to be published, titled, Ten Tall Tales, which is a collection of children’s stories. One other major hobby you can’t take away from Banji is travelling by road. He loves seeing the beauty occasioned by nature.

To Ijadunola-Oluwa Theophilus Banji Ojewale at 71, I wish you a very blissful and memorable day filled with rest and good health on every side of your life.

Happy birthday, Dad!

Kayode Ojewale is of the Public Affairs and Enlightenment Department of LASTMA.

The hallmark of democracy in South Africa and the world over is citizen participation in government and the selection of political representatives through free and fair elections.

Political parties play the role of aggregating the citizenry’s interests and translating them into national policies and programmes. However, some political parties play on the citizens’ sentiments, particularly anti-African migrant dispositions, to increase their voter base during elections.

In South Africa, migration is one of the central issues in electoral politics and economic debates that affect democracy:

1. African migrants in the country are defined as the problem to be solved, shifting the focus of electoral debates away from economic concerns and developmental issues.
2. The fundamental freedoms of African migrants are not respected, and the contributions that some of them make to the South African economy are overlooked.
3. Migrants and locals alike are misinformed and do not have access to the correct information on migration and migrants’ rights.

Being characterised by a long-standing narrative that widely considers African migrants to be a burden on the economy, South African electoral politics has gravitated towards “populism”. Here political parties campaign to win the support of the citizens by sticking the socio-economic problems (widespread crime, corruption, growing unemployment, the spread of diseases and poverty, among other things) faced by the country on migrants, particularly undocumented African migrants.

The 2019 pre-election period was charged with anti-African migrant sentiments and xenophobic violence. For instance, political parties like the National People’s Front, the Forum 4 Service Delivery, the People’s Revolutionary Movement and the Democratic Alliance (DA), among others, were calling for South African citizens to be given priority over migrants and restricting the entry of African migrants through stricter border controls. Some had also called on African foreign nationals to leave South Africa.

Gravitation towards populism

Ahead of the 2019 general elections, the DA published its Immigration plan in 2018, defined as populist. Playing on popular immigration sentiment, the DA’s Immigration plan purported to support and protect documented migrants but advocated restricting the formal channels for migrants to access legal documentation.

The ruling ANC government also has a track record of gravitating towards populism.

In the 2017, in the White Paper on International Migration, although taking a pro-African stance, the party indicated that unskilled immigrants and undocumented migrants would not be allowed to come into or stay in the country, even if such a move is regarded as anti-African. Additionally, the 2019 ANC election manifesto indicated that the government would endeavour to stop illegal trading predominantly conducted by African migrants in a bid to encourage and protect the control of economic activities and ownership of retail stores by South Africans. The narrative of illegal trading has been used to feed into the long-standing rhetoric that migrants are taking away South African citizens’ jobs, especially migrants in the informal sector who are willing to take up precarious work.

The current migration debate has focused on the informal sector, and some politicians have continued to make anti-African migrant claims that are not necessarily true. For instance, the African Transformation Movement claimed that non-citizens control more than 70% of the South African informal economy during the State of the Nation Address (SONA) parliamentary debates in February 2021. However, an investigation conducted by Keegan Leech has proved that the above claim is not supported by current data drawing from the Quality of Life Survey V (2017/18) and other documents.

Yet, the anti-migrant narrative continues.

With such an atmosphere two years after the last elections, can we expect any change in the local government elections in October 2021?

President Cyril Ramaphosa has warned against the populist politics of blaming migrants for the problems being faced by South Africans, expressing a political will that rivals anti-migrant sentiments that fuel xenophobia and Afrophobia in the country. The Economic Freedom Fighters have also been speaking strongly against xenophobic tendencies to the point of publicly refusing votes from “xenophobic people” in 2019.

After the devastation of the first and second waves of Covid-19, the coronavirus still presents a real danger and there is a possibility of a third wave. The pandemic also has the potential to encourage voters to avoid crowded spaces like voting stations, and although South Africa has not reached herd immunity, the Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC) asserts that it is ready to host elections in October despite the slow vaccination rollout.

However, this is not the only challenge. There are concerns about access to registration and the inclusion of every eligible voter given the implementation of electronic voter registration, which will only be conducted over one weekend. Will there be an increase in voter turnout? Will the pandemic discourage voter turnout? Will South Africa experience a third wave of the pandemic? These questions still loom over electoral politics in the country.

Independent candidates

Nevertheless, electoral politics is changing in South Africa with the 2020 Constitutional Court ruling that Parliament must amend the Electoral Act to allow independent candidate to run in elections. While there is a lot of contention over how this will work out, it presents the possibility of better representation of the marginalised sections of the population and perhaps migrant communities at the local level in the future. However, it will most likely be a difficult process to achieve since the reverse is also true (the possibility of individual candidates capitalising on populist politics and feeding on anti-migrant sentiments). Candidates would also have to raise their own funding or have a considerable amount of wealth and social currency in terms of popularity.

Reform is taking place in South African electoral politics but much remains to be seen – especially when considering the looming third wave of the coronavirus and the challenges associated with representing migrant communities in South African elections.

Tawanda Matema is the project officer for the Migration Project at the Democracy Development Program and writes in his personal capacity.

His Synagogue Church of all Nations (SCOAN), Lagos, Nigeria, is no drum and trumpet Christian ministry. Talk of charisma, finesse and diplomatese, he had them. And I, as an individual, never saw anything farcical about his prophetic words, deliverances and healings. He proselytised the gospel of Jesus Christ with verve, simplicity and honesty. Whether people believe it or not, Prophet Temitope Balogun Joshua, (TB Joshua for short), the Nigerian-born General Overseer of the SCOAN, Lagos, who passed on Sunday June 5 at the age of 57, was an iconic personality on the global stage.

The demise was seven days shy of the enigmatic prophet’s 58^th birthday today, June 12. I say happy birthday to the SCOAN founder at his new and eternal abode, which I believe is a place reserved by God for the righteous – Paradise.

Prophet TB Joshua preached the gospel of Jesus Christ with sartorial savvy. His empiricism, healing dexterity and prophetic prowess were enough evidence of the originality of his divine calling.

TB Joshua’s critics, who are mostly Nigerians, are often quick to sidestep his positives and rev up his imaginary foibles. This often led those who never ventured or had the opportunity of encountering him or experiencing events at SCOAN, first hand, to be easily blindfolded into joining the TB Joshua blackmail bandwagon.

Prior to my first visit to SCOAN, I never really swallowed the blackmail bait against TB Joshua. My circumspection and taciturnity about him, whenever people argued about him, was quite obvious. That reflex was mainly driven by the fear of God and caution. That was because I had heard and read so much about the man, both positively and negatively.

My first direct contact with Prophet TB Joshua was early in 2011, when I had the opportunity of worshipping there for the first time. What I mean by contact here is not a formal meeting, which entailed introducing oneself to him. No, it was just a brief laying of hand in a Christian manner that took barely a second. It was an experience which thousands of other worshippers who were in the church that day also had. The contact was however, profound for me, spiritually speaking. My visit to the SCOAN and contact with TB Joshua removed the scales from my eyes as to the simplicity, humility and charity of the man. I became convinced that the demonisation of the prophet was a costly pastime carried too far.

And I know that I’m not alone in this discovery of the truth about the real TB Joshua. He was a real God’s General. Hundreds of thousands from across the world gave provable testimonies about how they received healings, breakthrough or deliverance through the instrumentality of the Morning Water of the Synagogue, otherwise called anointing water. The Morning Water is a small bottle of water anointed by God through special prayer ministration by TB Joshua. To those who believed, the Morning Water was a veritable weapon for healing and the blessings of God.

Thousands of people from all over the world benefitted from deliverance and breakthrough via the spiritual intercessory of Prophet TB Joshua. Through the Emmanuel TV running on many satellite network channels, viewers could have glimpses of some of the great exploits of TB Joshua and the SCOAN.

Beside his healing and deliverance prowess, TB Joshua was an avid philanthropist.

Countless numbers, especially physically challenged youths and orphans, have benefitted or are still enjoying his university scholarship. Several widows, the elderly, dwarfs and the poor were targeted beneficiaries of his philanthropy.  What many Nigerians travel thousands of kilometres to look for in Jerusalem, Rome or Mecca, many people, especially foreigners, were trooping to receive at the Synagogue in Ikotun, Lagos. Neither the federal nor the Lagos State government ever thought it desirable to tap into the huge religious tourism potentials offered by TB Joshua’s Synagogue, having foreigners travel from all over the world to the place on weekly, if not daily basis. In spite of his towering  global status, TB Joshua was never accorded recognition or respect by his country’s government nor the majority of her citizens. As the Bible said, “A prophet has no respect in his own country or amongst his own people.”

Appraising the Tourist Potentials of TB Joshua’s SCOAN

The indifference, and sometimes hostility, of the Nigerian authorities to SCOAN is perplexing. At a time when the image of the country became so bad outside, TB Joshua’s SCOAN was still drawing thousands of foreigners from all continents of the world to Nigeria.

The SCOAN’s Prayer Mountain offered a huge opportunity for Lagos State and Nigeria to break into the league of veritable religious tourist destinations of the world. The Prayer Mountain is a serene place where nature blends with modernity. It was built in such a way that adherents who are seeking close communion with God could embark on meditative prayer retreat there for days where they would open their hearts to God.

The design and construction of the Prayer Mountain took about a decade to be completed according to the pattern the man of God himself, Prophet TB Joshua was led by the Holy Spirit to implement it. It comprises several structures and facilities such as a unique artificial lake, residential chalets, prayer halls and rooms, several gardens and parks, fish ponds, a conference hall with electronic roof, which closes and opens to heaven, a helipad for landing by helicopters and many other facilities and devices. The Prayer Mountain is a facility which has the potential of significantly upscaling the religious tourism profile of Nigeria and, specifically, Lagos State, on the international stage.

At this stage, some may ask the question: What is it that the Nigerian Federal or Lagos State government (LASG) can do to compliment TB Joshua’s efforts now that the prophet has gone to be with the Creator? There are many things the Federal and Lagos State governments can do to boost the operations of SCOAN. The things mainly have to do with the provision or the upgrading of vital social infrastructure in and around the SCOAN. For instance, most of the access roads from the Murtala Muhammed International Airport, Ikeja to the SCOAN Headquarters and the Prayer Mountains, both located in the Ikotun area of Lagos State are in a poor and unbefitting state. The roads can be rehabilitated and upgraded to meet international standard. In their present conditions, they are full of gullies and potholes that make it a hellish experience for the international visitors and Nigerians coming to worship at SCOAN. There are no street lights along most of the roads, making it scary to drive through them at night.

Government authorities can equally step in by enhancing security around the SCOAN headquarters and the Prayer Mountain, especially along the routes leading to them. Lagos State government can use regulations and supervision to ensure that ancillary services around the SCOAN, like hotels and shops, conform to the best international practices. Assorted clothing and artifacts depicting Nigeria’s cultural image can be sold in government-approved shopping galleries located around the church.

The present situation whereby many of the international visitors come into Nigeria with large amounts of foreign currencies and leave the country with the money, for want of meaningful memorabilia and gift items to buy, should not be allowed to continue because it does not augur well for the economy of the country.  The SCOAN can be made an institution that would thrive for several generations, rather than be tied to the lifespan of its founder. Some may ask whether TB Joshua was the only prophet in Lagos or Nigeria. He was certainly not the only one but what is incontrovertible is that the SCOAN is different from other Pentecostal churches in Nigeria. It is the only one that attracts a large number of international worshippers from all the continents of the world.  Every week, hundreds of international worshippers congregate to worship at the Synagogue.

On the part of the SCOAN, what is expected of the church after the demise of its founder is to announce his successor. A prolonged vacuum won’t do the church any good. One of the ‘wise men’ mentored by TB Joshua during his lifetime can be chosen to step into his big shoes if the late man of God did not name a successor before breathing his last. TB Joshua’s widow can play a vital role in making this possible.

Nosike Ogbuenyi contributed this article from Adetokunbo Ademola Crescent, Abuja. He can be reached through nosikeogbuenyi@gmail.com