3000 births among Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), in Borno state – northeastern Nigeria have been registered with the Borno State Emergency Management Agency (SEMA), in the past six months, official said on Monday.
SEMA Chairman, Satomi Ahmad, said the births were registered at various camps located in the state capital between January and June.
According to him, the birth records showed significant increase in view of the high number of couples staying at the camps. He said, “we recorded 3,000 births among IDPs in the last six months. The mothers were supported with drugs and reproductive kits.”
Ahmad noted that, the agency was working in collaboration with the state’s Ministry of Health to support expectant mothers and enhance reproductive health management in the camps, adding that, SEMA had provided ambulances to enhance referral services and reduce mortality.
Earlier, SEMA said it registered 13,000 births in IDPs camps in the past four years. It also said that it helped the mothers and babies with food items, nutritional supplements and dresses for the new born, The Guardian reported.
When Terry Gobanga – then Terry Apudo – didn’t show up to her wedding, nobody could have guessed that she had been abducted, raped and left for dead by the roadside. It was the first of two tragedies to hit the young Nairobi pastor in quick succession. But she is a survivor.
It was going to be a very big wedding. I was a pastor, so all our church members were coming, as well as all our relatives. My fiance, Harry, and I were very excited – we were getting married in All Saints Cathedral in Nairobi and I had rented a beautiful dress.
But the night before the wedding I realised that I had some of Harry’s clothes, including his cravat. He couldn’t show up without a tie, so a friend who had stayed the night offered to take it to him first thing in the morning. We got up at dawn and I walked her to the bus station.
As I was making my way back home, I walked past a guy sitting on the bonnet of a car – suddenly he grabbed me from behind and dumped me in the back seat. There were two more men inside, and they drove off. It all happened in a fraction of a second.
A piece of cloth was stuffed in my mouth. I was kicking and hitting out and trying to scream. When I managed to push the gag out, I screamed: “It’s my wedding day!” That was when I got the first blow. One of the men told me to “co-operate or you will die”.
The men took turns to rape me. I felt sure I was going to die, but I was still fighting for my life, so when one of the men took the gag out of my mouth I bit his manhood. He screamed in pain and one of them stabbed me in the stomach. Then they opened the door and threw me out of the moving car.
I was miles from home, outside Nairobi. More than six hours had passed since I had been abducted.
A child saw me being thrown out and called her grandmother. People came running. When the police came they tried to get a pulse, but no-one could. Thinking I was dead, they wrapped me in a blanket and started to take me to the mortuary. But on the way there, I choked on the blanket and coughed. The policeman said: “She’s alive?” And he turned the car around and drove me to the biggest government hospital in Kenya.
I arrived in great shock, murmuring incoherently. I was half-naked and covered in blood, and my face was swollen from being punched. But something must have alerted the matron, because she guessed I was a bride. “Let’s go around the churches to see if they’re missing a bride,” she told the nurses.
By coincidence, the first church they called at was All Saints Cathedral. “Are you missing a bride?” the nurse asked.
The minister said: “Yes, there was a wedding at 10 o’clock and she didn’t come.”
When I didn’t show up to the church, my parents were panicking. People were sent out to search for me. Rumours flew. Some wondered: “Did she change her mind?” Others said: “No, it’s so unlike her, what happened?”
After a few hours, they had to take down the decorations to make room for the next ceremony. Harry had been put in the vestry to wait.
When they heard where I was, my parents came to the hospital with the whole entourage. Harry was actually carrying my wedding gown. But the media had also got wind of the story so there were reporters too.
I was moved to another hospital where I’d have more privacy. That was where the doctors stitched me up and gave me some devastating news: “The stab wound went deep into your womb, so you won’t be able to carry any children.”
I was given the morning-after pill, as well as antiretroviral drugs to protect me from HIV and Aids. My mind shut down, it refused to accept what had happened.
Harry kept saying he still wanted to marry me. “I want to take care of her and make sure she comes back to good health in my arms, in our house,” he said. Truth be told, I wasn’t in a position to say Yes or No because my mind was so jammed with the faces of the three men, and with everything that had happened.
A few days later, when I was less sedated, I was able to look him in the eye. I kept saying sorry. I felt like I had let him down. Some people said it was my own fault for leaving the house in the morning. It was really hurtful, but my family and Harry supported me.
The police never caught the rapists. I went to line-up after line-up but I didn’t recognise any of the men, and it hurt me each time I went. It set back my recovery – it was 10 steps forward, 20 back. In the end I went back to the police station and said: “You know what, I’m done. I just want to leave it.”
Three months after the attack I was told I was HIV-negative and got really excited, but they told me I had to wait three more months to be sure. Still, Harry and I began to plan our second wedding.
Although I had been very angry at the press intrusion, somebody read my story and asked to meet me. Her name was Vip Ogolla, and she was also a rape survivor. We spoke, and she told me she and her friends wanted to give me a free wedding. “Go wild, have whatever you want,” she said.
I was ecstatic. I went for a different type of cake, much more expensive. Instead of a rented gown, now I could have one that was totally mine.
In July 2005, seven months after our first planned wedding, Harry and I got married and went on a honeymoon.
Twenty-nine days later, we were at home on a very cold night. Harry lit a charcoal burner and took it to the bedroom. After dinner, he removed it because the room was really warm. I got under the covers as he locked up the house. When he came to bed he said he was feeling dizzy, but we thought nothing of it.
It was so cold we couldn’t sleep, so I suggested getting another duvet. But Harry said he couldn’t get it as he didn’t have enough strength. Strangely, I couldn’t stand up either. We realised something was very wrong. He passed out. I passed out. I remember coming to. I would call him. At times he would respond, at other times he wouldn’t. I pushed myself out of bed and threw up, which gave me some strength. I started crawling to the phone. I called my neighbour and said: “Something is wrong, Harry is not responding.”
She came over immediately but it took me ages to crawl to the front door to let her in as I kept passing out. I saw an avalanche of people coming in, screaming. And I passed out again.
I woke up in hospital and asked where my husband was. They said they were working on him in the next room. I said: “I’m a pastor, I’ve seen quite a lot in my life, I need you to be very straight with me.” The doctor looked at me and said: “I’m sorry, your husband did not make it.”
I couldn’t believe it.
Going back to church for the funeral was terrible. Just a month earlier I had been there in my white dress, with Harry standing at the front looking handsome in his suit. Now, I was in black and he was being wheeled in, in a casket.
People thought I was cursed and held back their children from me. “There’s a bad omen hanging over her,” they said. At one point, I actually believed it myself.
Others accused me of killing my husband. That really got me down – I was grieving.
The post-mortem showed what really happened: as the carbon monoxide filled his system, he started choking and suffocated.
I had a terrible breakdown. I felt let down by God, I felt let down by everybody. I couldn’t believe that people could be laughing, going out and just going about life. I crashed.
One day I was sitting on the balcony looking at the birds chirping away and I said: “God, how can you take care of the birds and not me?” In that instant I remembered there are 24 hours a day – sitting in depression with your curtains closed, no-one’s going to give you back those 24 hours. Before you know, it’s a week, a month, a year wasted away. That was a tough reality.
I told everybody I would never ever get married again. God took my husband, and the thought of ever going through such a loss again was too much. It’s something I wouldn’t wish on anybody. The pain is so intense, you feel it in your nails.
But there was one man – Tonny Gobanga – who kept visiting. He would encourage me to talk about my husband and think about the good times. One time he didn’t call for three days and I was so angry. That’s when it hit me that I had fallen for him.
Tonny proposed marriage but I told him to buy a magazine, read my story and tell me if he still loved me. He came back and said he still wanted to marry me.
But I said: “Listen, there’s another thing – I can’t have children, so I cannot get married to you.”
“Children are a gift from God,” he said. “If we get them, Amen. If not, I will have more time to love you.”
I thought: “Wow, what a line!” So I said Yes.
Tonny went home to tell his parents, who were very excited, until they heard my story. “You can’t marry her – she is cursed,” they said. My father-in-law refused to attend the wedding, but we went ahead anyway. We had 800 guests – many came out of curiosity.
It was three years after my first wedding, and I was very scared. When we were exchanging vows, I thought: “Here I am again Father, please don’t let him die.” As the congregation prayed for us I cried uncontrollably.
A year into our marriage, I felt unwell and went to the doctor – and to my great surprise he told me that I was pregnant.
As the months progressed I was put on total bed rest, because of the stab wound to my womb. But all went well, and we had a baby girl who we called Tehille. Four years later, we had another baby girl named Towdah.
Today, I am the best of friends with my father-in-law.
I wrote a book, Crawling out of Darkness, about my ordeal, to give people hope of rising again. I also started an organisation called Kara Olmurani. We work with rape survivors, as I call them – not rape victims. We offer counselling and support. We are looking to start a halfway house for them where they can come and find their footing before going back to face the world.
I have forgiven my attackers. It wasn’t easy but I realised I was getting a raw deal by being upset with people who probably don’t care. My faith also encourages me to forgive and not repay evil with evil but with good.
The most important thing is to mourn. Go through every step of it. Get upset until you are willing to do something about your situation. You have to keep moving, crawl if you have to. But move towards your destiny because it’s waiting, and you have to go and get it.
By Tobi Soniyiin Lagos,Onyebuchi Ezigboin Abuja andChristopher Isiguzoin Enugu
Igbo leaders from the South-east zone, including its governors, National Assembly members and leadership of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, rose from a closed-door meeting early yesterday in Enugu, restating the zone’s commitment to a united Nigeria.
The Igbo leaders also formally declared their support for the restructuring of the country, insisting that the process must be on the basis of fairness and equality.
The meeting was the first by the zone since some separatist groups, including the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) and the Movement for the Actualisation of a Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), intensified their agitation for the creation of the Republic of Biafra.
Though the meeting avoided mentioning any of the separatist groups, their resolutions may have foreclosed any possible support for the Nnamdi Kanu-led agitation for the break up of Nigeria.
The five governors – Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi of Enugu, Okezie Ikpeazu of Abia, Rochas Okorocha of Imo, Willie Obiano of Anambra and Dave Umahi of Ebonyi – had earlier met at the Government House, Enugu, to harmonise their position before moving to the Nike Lake Resort, Enugu, for the enlarged stakeholders’ meeting.
Apart from the governors, other notable persons that attended the meeting included Deputy President of the Senate, Senator Ike Ekweremadu and other members of the National Assembly, former Senate Presidents, Senators Adolphus Wabara and Ken Nnamani, the President General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Chief Nnia Nwodo and his predecessor, Enwo Igariwey, former Chief of General Staff, Admiral Ebitu Ukiwe, former Inspector General of Police (IGP), Ogbonna Onovo and a former Deputy Inspector General of Police, Hillary Opara.
Others were deputy governors, state assembly speakers, religious leaders and traditional rulers from the zone.
However, political appointees from the South-east currently serving in the administration, especially the ministers, were conspicuously absent from the meeting and no reason was given for their absence.
In a seven-point communiqué read by the Chairman of the South-east Governors’ Forum and Ebonyi governor, Umahi, to newsmen at about 1 a.m. when the meeting ended, the Igbo leaders called on the federal government and all Nigerian leaders to immediately commence a process of dialogue among Nigerians on the modalities of restructuring the country within a reasonable time frame.
They also threw their weight behind the report of the 2014 National Conference and asked the federal government to set up structures that will enable its implementation within a reasonable time.
In what appeared like a veiled reference to the quit order notice given to the Igbos resident in the Northern part of the country by Arewa youths, the leaders condemned all forms of hate speeches and conduct coming from any part of the country.
They, however, disclosed that they were taking steps to ensure the safety of lives and property of Igbo people in all parts of Nigeria, just as they equally guaranteed the safety of lives and property of all Nigerians that are resident in the South-east.
The communiqué read in part: “After this crucial meeting of South-east governors, members of the National Assembly of Igbo extraction, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, and select Igbo leaders of thought on the state of the nation, the following resolutions were adopted.
“That Ndigbo are in support of a united Nigeria where peace, love, fairness, justice, equity and equality of opportunity are paramount, regardless of creed, ethnicity, gender or political affiliation.
“That we condemn all hate speeches and conduct emanating from any segment of Nigeria.
“That Ndigbo support the report of the National Conference of 2014 and urge the federal government to set up structures that will enable the implementation of same within a reasonable time.
“That the South-east governors, members of the National Assembly from the South-east and the leadership of Ohanaeze Ndigbo should henceforth constitute the official organs that will speak on behalf of Ndigbo on political matters.
“That the South-east leaders, in consultation with leaders from other parts of the country, will engage the federal government on all areas of concern to Ndigbo and to Nigeria as a whole.”
Earlier in his opening remarks, Umahi said the governors had been deliberating on burning national issues, both on regional and national levels, especially as they relate to Ndigbo, but now felt it was necessary to expand the scope.
According to him, as leaders, they must discuss how best to tackle the escalating challenges of security, development, the welfare of both workers and the general population, youth restiveness, the unity of Nigeria, unemployment, stagnant economy, and Igbo culture that is in a painful state of flux.
“However part of the central issues we must consider today is the manner in which the group led by Nnamdi Kanu has gone about its agitation.
“It is an agenda point which I believe will dovetail into the equally sizzling political topic of the moment: restructuring,” he said.
On his part, Ugwuanyi expressed delight that Enugu had hosted the all-important meeting where a common position for the Igbos would be taken.
“Nothing will please Enugu better than to be recorded in history as the venue where all Ndigbo gathered to resolve their differences and actively pursue peace and unity among themselves.
“Moments like this in history, call for unity and statesmanship and I therefore, call on Ndigbo to unite and love themselves. I call on our leaders to exhibit the highest standards of statesmanship in confronting the problems at hand,” he said.
In his contribution during the meeting, Ekweremadu had suggested that a team of South-east leaders should again meet with the presidency to demand in clear terms that any fears and complaints about marginalisation of the people of the South-east by this government, which was fuelling the agitation in the region be addressed squarely.
Ekweremadu, who also appealed for caution among those pushing for a sovereign state of Biafra, called on Igbo youths to jettison the idea of leaving Nigeria.
He acknowledged the grievances, which he said were pushing the youths to want to opt out of the nation, but cautioned that it was not the best way to go.
“Government needs to take concrete steps and demonstrate commitment in addressing the said complaints. This will help the South-east leaders to manage the restiveness,” he added.
Ekweremadu said having invested across the country, the best option for Igbos was to team up with those pushing for the nation to be restructured.
He said: “The other option left for us is a restructured federation. Ndigbo need to develop and market what it believes to be the right template for restructuring.
“The Eastern Region was rated the fastest growing economy in Africa in the First Republic because the regions were relatively autonomous; resources were largely developed and controlled by the regions.”
In this wise, he appealed to Igbo youths not to allow their emotions get the better of them but to moderate their utterances so as not to alienate those who have sympathy for their cause.
He reminded those calling for the South-east to secede that the South-south had made it clear it would not be a part of the Biafra Republic.
“The truth is, times have changed, and so have political interests because 1967 is different from 2017,” he added.
In order to further reduce tension in the country, he advised Igbo leaders to set up a committee for continuous engagement and moderation by IPOB, other pro-Biafra organisations and their leaders to avoid hate speeches and reckless statements that would make the South-east lose its friends and sympathisers.
He also suggested that Igbos must continue to harp on restructuring, which was currently enjoying acceptance by the South-south, South-west, North-central, and well-meaning people from other parts of the North.”
The Deputy Senate President said be believed that at the discussion table for restructuring, the Igbos would have sufficient allies that would enable them to extract a good bargain for a just and equitable society.
“Ndigbo need a bigger space to operate. In fact, Nigeria as a country is even a small space for the enterprising spirit of the Igbos, hence our people are scattered all over Africa and are capable of dominating the economic space,” he added.
He also said that delegations should be sent to different entities of the North, especially Sokoto, Kaduna, Kano, Maiduguri, Adamawa, Katsina, Bauchi, Gombe and Jigawa, among others, to engage the respective governors top traditional rulers and clerics who would also help to moderate the utterances and actions of the Northern youths.
He said: “These, I believe, will secure the lives and property of our people all over the North and avoid their possible mass movement ahead of the October deadline as espoused in the threat by the Northern youths.
“We need to send another delegation to meet with the Chief of Defence Staff, Inspector-General of Police, National Security Adviser, and the Director-General of the Department of State Security to express our concern over the safety of the lives and property of our people living in the North and to urge them to take every necessary step to protect them.”
But in a swift reaction to the outcome of the meeting, MASSOB yesterday kicked against the call for the restructuring of Nigeria by the Igbo leaders, insisting that anything short of a referendum for the realisation of “Biafra Republic” would not be acceptable.
Uchenna Madu, leader of MASSOB, in a statement he issued in Enugu said his group had insisted on several occasions that it was opposed to the restructuring of Nigeria because the foundation and intention of establishing Nigeria as a state do not favor restructuring.
The group similarly hailed the Ohaneze Ndigbo Youth Council under the leadership of Okechukwu Isiguzoro for standing boldly and positively identifying with the current realities of Biafra consciousness.
“The British-sponsored Northern domination of Nigeria political and military lives of the country can never allow restructuring which will never favour the unproductive and cursed region of Northern Nigeria.
“There is no shortcut to our aspirations of achieving Biafra sovereignty; we cannot support restructuring or Igbo presidency. We believe in outright self-determination for Biafra independence from this British yoke entity called Nigeria.
“A Biafra referendum is inevitable now that the Pro-Biafra groups have mutually and intimately formed a common ground and platform that is based on oneness, unity and general interest of Biafrans.
“We shall consistently, unrelentingly and continuously press and demand a referendum that will determine the fate and choice of the identity of the people of Biafra,” he said.
Madu observed that though MASSOB was not against the agitators for restructuring or implementation of true federalism, he said his group believed that such adventure would never be actualised because there is no trust and confidence among the regional ethnic leaders.
Meanwhile, despite these positions, the National Vice Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), South-South, Hilliard Eta, has gone against the position of some his party members, stating that it will be a wise decision to start the process of restructuring of the country now to avoid being forced to do it by a crisis.
The party chieftain said he believed that the country’s economic, political and social backwardness could be traced largely to the awkward and unsustainable structure of Nigeria.
Speaking in an interview with journalists at the weekend in Abuja, the APC zonal chairman said the party agreed to restructure because it was clearly stated in its manifesto.
“If you have restructuring in the manifesto of the party, it is settled that the APC is for restructuring. Not only is the APC for restructuring, the governors elected on the platform of our party have come out to tell the nation that they are also for restructuring,” he said.
According to Eta, any documents that could help the representatives of the people in the National Assembly with a constitutional amendment should be assembled for the purpose of finding a common ground on the issues in contention.
“Whether it is in 2014 or in 2010 conferences, I prefer that the restructuring of Nigeria should start immediately. The reason is that our economic backwardness, our political backwardness, our social backwardness can be traced largely to the awkward and unsustainable super-structure of the country and not the sub-structure of the country.
“So it is important that we restructure now so that we will not have the unnecessary duty of having to force ourselves to the table.’
The APC chieftain welcomed the move by the Senate to take a look at the last national conference report as a way of kick-starting the process of dialogue.
“I think it is a good place to start, all of these documents from the 2014 conference, the one that was conducted by Babangida or Abacha, wherever it was conducted should be brought together.
“Nigeria has never been short of ideas. These ideas are found at the shores of government and that is a good place to start and Nigerians who may not have had an opportunity to contribute to those that we have on the shores of government should also be given an opportunity to do so.”
While appealing to Nigerians to be patient with the APC-led government, the party chieftain decried the criticism from the opposition People Democratic Party (PDP), which he said had been in power for 16 years but never cared about Nigeria’s restructuring.
“The PDP, unfortunately, because whenever these things are done I think that they were just amplifying or reciting the propaganda of the PDP, but I beg to tell you that the PDP was in power for 16 years, yet they never cared about restructuring. Today, the PDP is all over the place talking about restructuring.
“I don’t know if it is essentially about the APC but some Nigerians are very quick to make judgments with regards to the APC-led government. APC has been in power for two years and in the two years you are aware of what has attended our presidency.
“It is disingenuous for people to now look at the APC and say these things. So I think Nigerians should be a little patient with us.
It is unfortunate that the unsustainable sub-structure of Nigeria has brought the agitations in the manner they have come at this time when the APC is in power and we are not afraid of the responsibility and the challenges,” he said.
In this season of quit notices to ethnic groups, hate speech, election boycott threats and other high-wire acts of political brinksmanship, we need to keep our eye on the ball. That means reminding Acting President Yemi Osinbanjo of the political responsibility of the Federal Government of Nigeria to keep Nigeria united by going beyond rhetoric and confronting and addressing, concretely, the National Question. While he is to be commended for his efforts at pacifying the protagonists, we must tell truth to power and let our Acting President know that the time for platitudes and pious exhortations is over.
It is time to act. It is time to begin the process of rebuilding Nigeria by boldly confronting what ails our country. That ailment is the fear of domination and political suppression of some ethnic nationalities by others. It includes the structural inequities that underpin this fear and have left some groups palpably marginalized. And it is about the resentment and distraction to the process of development that these injustices have bred. It is not enough to focus conveniently on the reactions of marginalized groups, label them “unpatriotic”, and declare Nigeria “indissoluble”, and all the while avoiding the issues that drive the disaffection and calls for self-determination in various parts of the country. That is not nation-building. It is, rather, a “straw man”. Even for those of us who strongly believe in the viability and possibilities of Nigeria, this approach has passed its sell-by date.
As a young political affairs officer in the United Nations Secretariat Headquarters in New York nearly 25 years ago (well before I later switched careers to economic policy), I learnt about the theory of “ripeness” in resolving conflicts as we battled to restore peace in Rwanda, Somalia, Angola and the wars that broke up the Former Yugoslavia. As advanced by Professor William Zartman of Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies in those stressful days, that theory says that conflicts are often most effectively resolved when we can capture the psychological moment that, owing to a combination of factors, make such conflicts “ripe” for resolution. We may be at such a moment in Nigeria regarding the National Question, which includes but goes well beyond the matter of Biafra. We must seize it and turn our ship of state around. The moment exists now because, with very few exceptions, it is dawning on the vast majority of stakeholders that something will have to give.
I believe, like the Acting President and many other compatriots whose voices are not as loud as the protesters and their traducers, that we can and should build a new Nigeria. But we can’t be a nation in name only – poor, unjust, inequitable, unstable, and misgoverned. The real question is: what is the quality of our union? If, as we all seem to agree, that quality is not as good as it should be, even if it cannot be perfect, what then are we doing about it? We must first of all stop the hate speech from all sides. Persuasion is the most effective and preventive way to accomplish this. But the federal government also must be prepared, in a balanced and even-handed manner, to bring the purveyors of such hate speech to accountability. The warning issued recently by the Department of State Security is therefore timely.
We must put a decisive end to spreading distorted accounts and interpretations of Nigerian history calculated to demonize any ethnic group or groups in Nigeria. The federal government should establish an official, factual and balanced account of Nigeria’s national history from the Amalgamation of the Northern and Southern Protectorates in 1914 to the present, relying as much as humanly possible on original-source historical documents of colonial Britain and our founding fathers and institutions. The purpose of this official history should not be to blame any persons or groups for the multiple errors of judgement that led us to our current precipice, but rather to focus on accurate historical facts for the knowledge of Nigerians. This is a necessary foundation for future nation-building efforts, and is done in many civilized nations of the world. A team of eminent Nigerian historians should be set up to accomplish this task, and the resulting history should be part of the standard curriculum in all secondary schools in Nigeria. We must as well confront our history and memory with decentralized exercises in truth and reconciliation. I am not recommending another grand, well-intentioned but ultimately ineffectual Oputa Panel, the official report of which has not been seen publicly, let alone its recommendations implemented. There are several formats that a confrontation with history and memory might take.
The main reason we are not yet a real nation is because we lack any discernible worldview. In other words, we don’t have a common goal and destiny we seek that is far bigger than, and diminishes, our differences. We need a view of the world and who we are in it as a nation. A worldview is anchored on where we are coming from, where we are going in a competitive world relative to other societies, and a clear road map of how to get there. Identifying and inculcating a value system is also a core component of a worldview. In the absence of such a national worldview, small views thrive. Atomistic identities reign, and ethnic and religious chauvinism becomes the prism for all politics and governance. Being Fulani, Yoruba, Igbo or Ijaw or Muslim or Christian is interpreted in a single narrative. That narrative makes accommodation of, and equitable co-existence with others on the basis of mutual interest, difficult. We need a New Nigeria Declaration to be developed by a committee of distinguished intellectuals and representatives from all registered political parties in Nigeria. The goal will be to produce a concise document of not more than two pages that sets out the philosophical foundation of the Nigerian state, a set of beliefs that drive governance and serves as a lodestar for every Nigerian.
There is no avoiding the imperative of a rational constitutional redesign of Nigeria’s federal system of government for stability and prosperity. The argument for restructuring is even more compelling given present governance trends. The imminent end of the dominance of oil as a global energy source, and Nigeria’s uncontrolled population growth that will likely create a “youth bulge” of additional restless, unemployed youth in the future, have implications for any thinking, patriotic Nigerian: our country will face a reckoning in the years ahead if we do not reposition it.
This is why it matters that a constitutional restructuring should not just be done, but done well. I can predict without equivocation that any effort to restructure Nigeria based on the current structure of 36 states (most of which already are unviable) or the creation of additional states will ultimately fail to achieve the desired outcomes. The is the Achilles Heel of the otherwise progressive 2014 Constitutional Conference report. The logic of state creation in Nigeria, in which too many atomistic-identity groups want their own state, is unsustainable. It cannot stand up to the superior logic of the economies of scale that a regional structure will have. The ruling APC party came to power on the promise, among others, of restructuring and devolution of power. We haven’t seen it yet. Is this, as the party’s critics might perhaps put it, “another promise cancelled”?
As Prof. Osinbajo understands, many groups in Nigeria feel marginalized. But it is also true that the Igbo, given their population as one of the three major ethnic groups and the contributions they have made to whatever progress Nigeria has achieved as a country, have been uniquely hard done by in the political sphere. Nigeria has responded with very different standards to agitations by the Yoruba after the June 12, 1993 debacle, and to militancy by the minorities in the oil-rich Niger Delta.
You may agree (and there are many Igbos who don’t) or disagree with Nnamdi Kanu and his IPOB followers. But nature abhors a vacuum. He simply stepped into one created by the political failure of the federal government to move beyond the rhetoric of One Nigeria to the real construction of such an entity. The young man also stepped into the gap of the leadership failure of the distinguished Igbo elite itself which, until recently was unable to move beyond self-seeking to demand justice for their people inside a united Nigeria. There is no greater falsehood that pervades our polity today than the attachment of self-determination sentiments exclusively to the Igbo, who in truth were late-comers to this impulse. Other groups had severally moved to secede from Nigeria in the 1950s and the 1960s, well before Biafra, and that position was resisted by pan-Nigerian politicians of Igbo origin. Anyone in doubt should read the excellent essay by Jibrin Ibrahim in the Premium Times online newspaper of June 23, 2017 titled “Is Osinbajo Right that Nigeria Is Indissoluble”?
To the extent that many nations are made up of numerous ethnicities, they all have their own versions of our National Question. Belgium, with its Walloons and Flemings, Canada’s French-speaking Quebec region, Spain’s Basque region, UK’s Northern Ireland and Scotland, and the US with its multiple ones, are examples. The time has come for us to build a new Nigeria into, in the words of our national anthem, “one nation bound in freedom, peace and unity”. But mollifying platitudes and ex-cathedra declarations alone won’t do it. What will do it are the laws, policies and political and governance practices that will counter fissiparous tendencies in the court of public opinion and in the battle for hearts and minds. This is how democratic countries address, or ought to address, their National Question. We need to pull up our sleeves and go to work, boldly and decisively, on nation-building.
AN unidentified policeman has lost his life in a boundary riot between residents of the Billiri and Shongom council areas in Gombe State.
Eyewitnesses said the policeman was killed when hoodlums stormed Billiri and burnt houses in Kufai and Kolkos in the council area.
The deceased was among the security operatives deployed in the two councils to check the crisis.
A source, who spoke to PUNCH Metro, said the Billiri and Shongom areas were dominated by Christians.
The source said, “The two communities have been experiencing riots for some years over a boundary dispute. The riots occur every rainy season when farming activities start. This year has not been an exception. Like every other year, when the people of Billiri went to farm on June 23, they were chased by armed men from Shongom.”
According to the source, on that day, the armed men from Shongom invaded Kufai, a small village in Billiri not too far from Shongom,and began burning houses.
It was gathered that the residents of the area ran away and the police later came to calm the situation.
A resident of Gombe said the place was tense when the policemen came and in the confusion, one of them was shot in the head by the rioting men and immediately rushed to a hospital for treatment.
“The policeman died on the way to the hospital,” the resident added.
Multiples sources said the situation became worse on Tuesday as more houses in Billiri were razed.
It was, however, gathered that a combined team of policemen and soldiers were deployed in the area to ensure peace.
“We now live in fear as government is helpless and lawlessness is now the order of the day,” said another resident, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of attack.
The spokesperson for the Gombe State Police Command, DSP. Mary Malum, said the state command had yet to get any official report on the matter.
Asked if she was aware of the death of a policeman in the clash, she said, “ I don’t want to comment on that until I get an official report.”
Saudi Arabia and three other Arab states have extended the deadline for Qatar to accept a list of demands or face further sanctions by 48 hours.
The initial deadline for Qatar to agree to the group’s 13 demands, including the shutting down of the Al Jazeera news network, expired on Sunday.
The Gulf state has said that it will submit its formal response in a letter delivered to Kuwait on Monday.
Qatar denies accusations from its neighbours that it funds extremism.
The state’s foreign minister will travel to Kuwait on Monday morning to deliver the letter, sent from the emir of Qatar to the emir of Kuwait, who is the main mediator in the Gulf crisis.
On Saturday, Qatari Foreign Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al-Thani said the state had rejected the demands, but was ready to engage in dialogue under the right conditions.
Qatar has been under unprecedented diplomatic and economic sanctions for weeks from Saudi Arabia and its allies, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Bahrain.
On 23 June, the four countries, whose foreign ministers will meet on Wednesday to discuss the situation, set a deadline of 10 days for Qatar to agree to their requirements, which include the closure of a Turkish military base and the curbing of diplomatic relations with Iran.
The imposed restrictions have caused turmoil in Qatar, an oil- and gas-rich nation dependent on imports to meet the basic needs of its population of 2.7 million. As a result, Iran and Turkey have been increasingly supplying it with food and other goods.
Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and Bahrain have accused Qatar of harbouring their opponents – including political Islamists such as the Muslim Brotherhood, which is viewed as a particular threat by the absolute monarchies – and giving them a platform on the Al Jazeera satellite channel, which is funded by the Qatari state.
The four countries severed diplomatic and travel ties with Qatar one month ago, accusing it of supporting terrorism and being an ally of regional foe Iran, charges that Doha denies.
They have since threatened further sanctions.
The situation is the worst political crisis among Gulf countries in decades.
What are the other demands?
According to the Associated Press news agency, which obtained a copy of the list, Qatar must also:
Sever all ties with the Muslim Brotherhood, which has been banned in a handful of Arab states
Refuse to naturalise citizens from the four countries and expel those currently on its territory, in what the countries describe as an effort to keep Qatar from meddling in their internal affairs
Hand over all individuals who are wanted by the four countries for terrorism
Stop funding any extremist entities that are designated as terrorist groups by the US
Provide detailed information about opposition figures whom Qatar has funded, ostensibly in Saudi Arabia and the other nations
Align itself politically, economically and otherwise with the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC)
Stop funding other news outlets in addition to Al Jazeera, including Arabi21 and Middle East Eye
Pay an unspecified sum in compensation
An unnamed official from one of the four countries told Reuters news agency that Qatar was also being asked to sever links with so-called Islamic State, al-Qaeda and Lebanese Shia militant group Hezbollah.
The demands have not been officially unveiled. Their publication has increased the friction between the two sides.
Governor Ibrahim Dankwambo of Gombe State, northeast Nigeria
By Auwal Ahmad
UNICEF Communication Specialist, Bauchi field office, Samuel Kaalu speaking during the Media meeting in Gombe
Gombe (Nigeria) — Violence against children is a pervasive problem, very close to home, in Nigeria, with six out of every ten children in the country suffering one or more forms of physical, sexual or emotional violence before they reach 18 years. More than 70 per cent experience this violence repeatedly.
One out of two suffer physical violence, such as punching, kicking, whipping, burning, choking, trying to drown, threatening or hitting with a weapon; one in four girls and one in ten boys have experienced sexual violence; one in five boys and one in six girls suffer emotional violence.
Mostly, the perpetrators are someone the child knows and the violence often takes place where the child should be safe in their homes, in a neighbour’s home, at school, and coming to and from school. The vast majority of children never speak out, silenced by fear, shame, stigma and a lack of knowledge of where to seek help.
Statistics show fewer than five per cent of children who are victims of violence ever get the help that they need to recover.
These findings, from the National Survey on Violence Against Children, published by the National Population Commission, the US Centers for Disease Control and UNICEF, were a catalyst for action.
On 15 September 2015, the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari, committed to ending violence against children, launching a Year of Action, calling on not only the Government, but also NGOs, religious leaders and groups, the media and every Nigerian to take action to ensure no child has to grow up in the shadow of violence.
National Priority Actions were also launched, setting out key steps that were needed to more effectively prevent and respond to all forms of violence against children.
The United Nations Children’s Fund, UNICEF, has observed an increase in violence against children in Nigeria, and attributed rising youth restiveness in the country to the phenomenon.
UNICEF Child Protection Specialist, Ladi Alabi, made the disclosure last month in Gombe, at a media dialogue with Journalists in Gombe, as part of activities leading up to the launch of the campaign to end violence against children by the State Government.
She said a survey by the global organization indicated that the rights of a lot of children were being violated in the country, calling for “child justice administration” to protect the rights of minors and the future of Nigeria.
Mrs Alabi lamented that, in particular, cases of rape of children were on the increase. She however counselled journalists at the workshop on ethical reporting of children-related issues.
The UNICEF Child Protection Specialist however noted that Nigeria was taking the right steps in addressing the challenge by being the first country in West Africa and eighth in the world to adopt the UNICEF’s policy for combating the scourge.
“Nigeria is the eight country in the world to conduct this survey, a household survey that covered all the states in the country. Nigeria is the first country in West Africa to conduct the survey and that puts Nigeria on the frontline of countries who have a commitment to protect their children,” she said.
Also speaking, UNICEF’s Communication Specialists from the Bauchi field office, Samuel Kaalu, said United Nations General Assembly had mandated UNICEF to advocate for the protection of children’s rights, with the aimed of meeting their basic needs and expanding their opportunities to reach their full potential.
He said that UNICEF was striving to establish children’s rights as enduring ethical principles and international standards of behaviour towards children protection and their basic needs.
Mr. Kaalu further appealed to the Media to send the messages of end violence against children across the country to the desired audiences, adding that Media have inherent mass communication capacities through which they can reach hundreds of millions of people in a targeted audience in a short time.
“For us in development, partnering with the media is important because we aim for visibility, advocacy and behaviour change communication, Broadcast media reaches a wide audience and all sections of society – rural/urban, poor/rich, educated/illiterate and Media are powerful: they can set the agenda; they can pressure Governments and international community”, he said during the ceremony and official unveiling of the Gombe State Priority Action
It has been a long debate between the Federal Ministry of Environment, the Cross River State Government and environmental advocates over the construction of a 275km long “six-laned” Superhighway to connect Calabar- the Cross River State’s capital to Benue State and other parts of the country.
For many, it was simply an approval to go ahead with the Super Highway, particularly as intoned by the Cross River State governor that “equipment are returning to site and work will commence immediately as earlier planned.”
The truth, however, is that it was a conditional approval by the Federal Ministry of Environment. The Environment Minister of State, Ibrahim Usman Jibril, on Thursday, June 29, 2017 in Abuja while handing the conditionally-approved EIA report to the Deputy Governor of Cross River State, Professor Ivara Esu said: “all conditions must be met before a final approval is given to the EIA report to signal commencement of work. There would be a review within the next two or three weeks.”
Some environmentalists have postulated that FG’s issuance of 23 conditions to be fulfilled by the Cross River State Government in the 14-21 days is meant to prove the state’s readiness to commit themselves to the $3.5 billion super highway project.
To satisfy the curiosity of those wondering, what is (and what is not) on the conditionally-approved Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) to be revised in two weeks’ time, here are some of 23 conditions issued by the Federal Ministry of Environment before the Cross River State Government (CRSG) can fully commence construction:
The CRSG is to ensure that the updated maps in the new EIA must show that the re-routed road corridor cognisance of the boundary of Cross River National Park and Ekuri Community Forest as well as conform to international best practices on setbacks for highways in critical ecosystems such as the proposed corridor.
The EIA approval shall cover only the construction of a 275km long by 70m width Superhighway of six lanes including setbacks and other associated infrastructures such as eco-friendly bridges, culverts, drainages from Calabar to Katsina-Ala junction in Cross River State.
The CRSG shall ensure that the diverse management plans, which include Environmental Management Plan (EMP); Biodiversity Action Plan (BAP); Resettlement Action Plan (RAP); Livelihood Restoration Plan (LRP); Greenhouse Gas Management Plan (GHGMP); Public Consultation Plan (PCP); Waste Management Plan (WMP); Traffic Management Plan (TMP) as well as Labour and Human Resources Plan (LHRP) put in place for the road project are strictly adhered to as required throughout the project lifecycle.
The CRSG is also to gazette the reversal of revocation order on the acquisition of 10km on either side to the 70km span of the road corridor as well as the gazetting of the boundary of Cross River National Park within two weeks.
CRSG shall ensure that the construction of the entire road project and associated infrastructures conform to standard engineering codes and international best practices.
CRSG shall identify all proximate communities to the road corridor within the established area of influence as well as the project affected persons (PAPS) and ensure that every community/PAP is regularly consulted with throughout the project lifespan.
The environmental offsetting should be one of the guiding principles for the proposed road construction as the proposed project area of influence is noted for endemic, threatened and endangered flora and fauna. There shall be development and funding of Biodiversity offset by CRSG.
CRSG shall ensure that all relevant non-governmental organisations both local and international are consulted with regularly during the project lifespan to ensure among others biodiversity protection and project sustainability.
CSRG shall ensure that the highly technical eco-friendly bridges to be constructed at strategic points/biodiversity hotspots/critical ecosystem on the road corridor are intensively monitored by specialized accredited consultants.
CSRG shall ensure that the borrow pits proposed for the road project are provided with coordinates for ease of location, site identification number, reclaimed and converted to alternative environmental-friendly uses in line with regulatory standards as well as international best practices.
CRSG shall ensure that the proposed road setbacks from third party structures, farmlands, critical ecosystem and green areas confirm to engineering code of practice/regulatory standards as well as international best practices.
CRSG shall ensure that cautionary signs are appropriately placed at strategic points along the road corridor during implementation and throughout the lifecycle especially for wildlife crossing.
CSRG shall ensure proper drainage termination for the flow route of run-off/storm water to protect the road corridor from erosion, ensure that the road embankment is constructed in a way that allows free-flow of surface water run-off, that any existing access road to neighbouring villages and settlements are not blocked, create appropriate buffer zones to prevent damage to unique ecosystems as well as enhance forest cover.
CSRG shall put in place appropriate road furniture and safety standards in line with international best practices.
CRSG shall ensure that the proposed project protects the hydrology of wetlands, streams and channels through restoration of natural drainage pattern and reduce disruption of ecological processes by providing wildlife corridor.
CSRG shall provide adequate personal protective equipment for workers, ensure that every worker on the project is adequately trained on Health; Safety and Environment procedures for Highway and provide sanitary facilities and mobile clinic during project construction.
CSRG shall ensure that the maintenance and management of the road corridor is in line with international best practices.
There shall be Impact Mitigation Monitoring (IMM), Post Impact Assessment (PIA), Environmental Audits and Compliance Monitoring on the project by the Federal Ministry of Environment in collaboration with other relevant regulatory agencies.
CSRG shall put in place a robust contingency plan for the proposed road project.
CSRG shall update 4th version of the EIA report to also include the following: (a) To exclude flora and fauna that are non-existent in the proposed project area of influence as per the attached; (b) A comprehensive list of the actual affected communities along the proposed road corridor; (c) List of borrow pits with coordinates and site identity for the proposed road project; (d) Map clearly showing the preferred road corridor with coordinates as well as major crossings along the entire stretch; (e) The EIA report should consider indirect long term impacts of hunting and habitat loss on Cross River National Park proximity to the Superhighway with improved access to the forest; (f) The updated 4thversion of the EIA report shall be submitted to the Ministry within two weeks.
As we anticipate what happens within the two-three weeks review period, one thing that is sure is that there will be a re-route of the proposed Cross River Highway to protect the fauna, flora, and nature of the Ekuri forest community and within the Cross River National Park (CRNP).
Personally, I have gone through the Biodiversity Action Plan and the Environmental Impact Assessment. I dare to say that judging by the structure of the documents, the names of individuals and respected organizations working with the Cross River State Government on this project, Nigeria’s biodiversity (Wildlife especially) will be prioritized.
The world is watching!
‘Seyifunmi Adebote, an Environmentalist, a youth advocate and a Wildlife Researcher, writes from Abuja. His Email:adeboteseyi@gmail.com
When Terry Gobanga – then Terry Apudo – didn’t show up to her wedding, nobody could have guessed that she had been abducted, raped and left for dead by the roadside. It was the first of two tragedies to hit the young Nairobi pastor in quick succession. But she is a survivor.
